York. D Appleton & C9 fl THE ("AMERICAN) ANNUAL CYCLOPAEDIA AND REGISTER OF IMPORTANT EVENTS OF THE YEAR 1869. EMBRACING POLITICAL, CIVIL, MILITARY, AND SOCIAL AFFAIRS; PUBLIC DOCU- MENTS; BIOGRAPHY, STATISTICS, COMMERCE, FINANCE, LITERATURE, SCIENCE, AGRICULTURE, AND MECHANICAL INDUSTRY. VOLUME IX. NEW YOKE: D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 90, 92 AND 94 GRAND STREET 1870. EJTTTUD, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1870, by D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, la th Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. PREFACE. THIS volume of the ANNUAL CYCLOPEDIA, for the year 1869, presents the United States in a condition of peaceful development. The armies have en- tirely disappeared, the wounds of the recent conflict are liealing, the angry pas- sions are calmed, legitimate authority exerts its powerful sway, institutions are moulded to the new order of affairs, industry is everywhere active, improve- ments of every conceivable kind are projected, and a buoyant spirit inspires the nation with vast anticipations of future prosperity. A change in the persons who administered the Federal Government took place during the year, which secured unanimity and cooperation in all departments. Immediate steps were taken to hasten the work of reconstruction in the three States then unrepre- sented at Washington. Conventions were held, constitutions drafted and dis- cussed, amended and submitted to the people, and adopted ; State officers were chosen, and the entire organization of local governments completed. The prog- ress of the other reconstructed States, under the joint rule of the white and colored man, as a citizen, a legislator, and a judicial officer, the contests of factions, the disturbances of citizens, the relaxation of restraints upon those active in the late hostilities, and the recuperative power of the people, socially and financially, are herein presented. The proposition to throw open the ballot of the country to every citizen, without distinction of race, color, or previous con- dition ; the debates in Congress upon the measure, the arguments in its favor, and the objections against it ; the numerous aspects of the question presented and discussed, with the final action of that body and the formal submission of the question to the Legislatures of the States, are also contained in these pages, -L O JL O The details of the internal affairs of the United States comprise the revenue and expenditures of the Government,, the measures taken to reduce the public debt, the modifications of its currency, and the discussions relative to the same ; its fluctuations, the changes in the system of taxation to promote the relief of the people, with its effects upon their industrial interests and prosperity; the banking system, with its expansions and contractions ; the fruits of agriculture,, and the spread of internal trade and commerce ; the proceedings in the Southern' States to establish securely their social affairs ; the various political conventions |r PREFACE. of the rear, both national and State ; the results of elections ; the acts of State Ltsiu"iarf* ; the rapid improvement of educational and charitable institutions under the care of the State governments ; the surprising extension of the facili- c* importation, oj-ecially of railroads; the resources of the several States, *t>d all ibo* fact* whieh manifest their rapid progress. In Europe, the progrwv of the peaceful reconstruction of the Government e.f France, under tlie control of Napoleon, has awakened unusual interest. The improvement* in Turkey and tlie unsettled relations with Egypt ; the move- ment* in S|ain. under the conduct of a provisional government, to inaugurate popular institution* ; the modifications in "the relations existing between Eng- land and Ireland ; the unsettled state of affairs in Italy, together with other event* of lc** im|>ortance, and the movements among the nations of Eastern Aia for a more free and friendly intercourse with the civilized world, are very folly narrated in these pages. The progress of mechanical industry was displayed by the completion of the Pacific Railroad, and the opening for navigation of the Suez Canal, besides many other works less extensive and important, which are herein noticed. The diplomatic relations of the Federal Government were of a most friendly character during the year, and the discussions or efforts to arrange every vexed question were, by common consent, as it were, laid aside. Negotiations for authority to construct a canal across the Isthmus of Darien, and for the acqui- sition of San Domingo, were successfully made, and are stated in these pages. Tin? advance in the various branches of Astronomical, Chemical, and other cieDcea, with new applications to useful purposes, are extensively described. Geographical discoveries have been actively pushed forward in various quar- ter* of the globe, with interesting results. fhe record of Literature and Literary Progress is as extensive as during any H year: The titles of all the more important works have been presented, with omc remarks on the nature of their contents. 5 hiMorr of the religious denominations of the country, with an account onvcntiona, plans of union, branches, membership, views on public and progress of opinions, are presented from official sources. The pre- T proceedings and opening of the -(Ecumenical Council in Eome are also fully narrated. f tribute has been given to the memory of deceased persons of note in ftrjr department of society. Al mportant documents, messages, orders, treaties, and letters from official I* ** bav c been inserted entire. THE ANNUAL CYCLOPAEDIA. A ABYSSINIA (Arabic, H&besK), an empire in Eastern Africa, consists of the three former kingdoms of Amhara, Shoa, and Tigre. It has an area estimated at 158,392 square miles, and a population of from three to four millions. The inhabitants are mostly Ethiopian Chris- tians, but there are many Mohammedans in the towns, the most important of which are the following : Adoa, with a population vari- ously estimated at from 3,500 to 10,000 inhab- itants; Aliya Amba, 2,500 ; Aouzienne (Tigre), 2,000; Dixan (Sarae), 2,000; Gondar, 5,000 to 12,000; Methemmeh, 1,200 to 5,000; Mota (Godjam), 3,000; Tchelenkot (Tigre), 3,000; Kurata has become the most important town since the destruction of Gondar.* The soil of Abyssinia is exceedingly fertile ; but the pop- ulation is subject to exorbitant taxes and con- tinued plundering, and thereby reduced to wretched poverty. The great interest which the civilized world has for several years taken in Abyssinia has nearly come to an end with the close of the English expedition. The Emperor Theodore II., whose life and tragic death have been narrated in the preceding volumes of the AN- NUAL CYCLOPAEDIA, was, by his superior states- manship and barbaric energy, on the point of consolidating the incongruous tribes which in- habit that country into one, of creating an Abyssinian nationality, and of securing for his country a recognized rank among the nations of the earth. No more conclusive proof of the ex- ceptional ability of Theodore could be given, than a comparison of his administration with the Anarchy into which Abyssinia is now re- lapsing for want of a man who can follow in his footsteps. In fact, the whole history of Abyssinia from December, 1868, to October, 1869, the date of our latest advices, has been an uninterrupted civil war. Three princes are aspiring to the inheritance of Theodore. Kas- * For a fuller account of the topography of the country see AMERICAN ANNUAL CYCLOPEDIA for 1868. VOL. ix. 1. A sai, Prince of Tigre, who last year concluded friendship with Sir Eobert Napier, keeps at his court at Adoa two German missionaries, asd an English officer, Colonel Kirkham, who renders Mm important services as instructor of his army ; and he intends, as soon as his troops shall have been well drilled, to begin a campaign against Gobazie, the ruler of Amhara, and Menilek, the Prince of Shoa, the former of whom last year caused himself to be proclaimed Emperor of Ethiopia. The occasion for this imminent war has* been furnished by the ex- pected arrival of a new Abuna, or head of the Abyssinian Church, who, as usual, is sent by the Coptic Patriarch of Cairo, and for the re- ception of whom Kassai has sent an embassy to Egypt with costly presents. Gobazie dis- putes with his neighbor the possession of the Abuna, who generally resides in Amhara ; for it is the privilege of the Abuna to crown the Emperor of Ethiopia. Prince Kassai, one of the three competitors for the throne, has abolished the slave-trade, and the export and import duties. His chiefs have been ordered to assist foreign merchants. Kassai has also established a market for foreign goods at Adoa, and offers large tracts of un- cultivated land for the culture of cotton, coffee, indigo, and sugar. The people of Abyssinia are so well aware of the great loss which their country has suf- fered by the death of Theodore, that they have begun to venerate him as a saint. The Ger- man missionaries in Abyssinia report that thousands of pilgrims visit his grave, where a number of miracles are said to have occurred. A greater influence, however, upon the desti- nies of Abyssinia, than by the* miracles of St. Theodore, is likely to be exercised by the prog- ress which neighboring Egypt cannot fail to make in consequence of the opening of the Isth- mus of Suez. There still are in Abyssinia a few distin- guished Europeans who hold a high position. A German naturalist, Wilhelm Schimper, who ABYSSINIA. Wi M fcrtka Eaat to 18M, aettled, after scv- air. In Abyi-inla, married a wottaa, and woo the confidence of the r W*. of TV*, to eb a decree, as to W Otr**d by bim with the .Immigration flW *rict of Antilccho. Another German, 4aard Zaajdar* weal to Abriinia in 1847, M*J ol<*io*d fikewbe an indacntial position with l*U*. Altar the dcciMve battle, in 1855, Zaarfar aa*ard the aerrire with Theodore, was aaanlajtaal cowroaodcr of the fortified island of y, etc. The Afghan language (Pukhtu) belongs to the Iranic group of the Indo-Germanic lan- guages ; it is mixed with Persian, Arabic, Syr- iac, and Chaldean elements, and written in Per- sian characters. It has an eastern and a west- ern dialect. Eecent works on Afghan language and litera- ture are scarce; among them are, Eaverty, " Grammar of the Pukhtu," " Dictionary of the Pukhtu," and the reader " Gulshan-i-roh " (Se- lections from the Poetry of the Afghans), to- gether, 3 vols., London, 1860-'61. Miiller, '"'Die Conjugation des Afghan. Verbums" (Vi- enna, 1867). There exists, besides, a trans- lation of the New Testament and the historical books of the Old into the Pukhtu, made by T. Lowenthal, and edited by the Serampore Bible Society in India. AFEICA. The year 1869 will remain in the history of Africa of prominent importance. Not only for many years, but for many centu- ries, no event has occurred which could stand any comparison with the opening of the Suez Canal, in November, 1869. It was one of the great sensations of the year, and not of late has an equal solemnity on African soil been witnessed. The attendance, at the festivities, of the Empress of France, the Emperor of Aus- tria, the Crown-prince of Prussia, and the repre- sentatives of the chief newspapers of Europe and America, gave a brilliant and weighty expres- sion to the belief of the whole Christian world that the opening of the Suez Canal signifies an entire revolution in the relation of this part of Africa to the family of the civilized nations. It is now the common expectation that a revo- lution of trade and commerce must commence ; that Egypt must rise from its past lethargy ; that it cannot much longer remain a vassal of Turkey, but must become the seat of a new and great empire, with an extensive commerce, on the one hand, with Turkey, Greece, Italy, France, Spain, Portugal, Great Britain, and the remainder of Europe, and, on the other, with Hindostan, Persia, the western and southern coast of Asia, and the eastern coast of Africa. The annual progress of Egypt will henceforth command in the annals of contemporaneous history a much more prominent place, and its natural influence upon its weak neighbors can- not fail to lead, ere long, to considerable changes in the map of Africa. From a religious point of view,^the transformation which Egypt, un- der the influence of European ideas, is sure to undergo, and the effect this may have upon the Mohammedan world at large, will be a problem well worthy to be watched. In Egypt as well as in Turkey, both the government and the people anticipate that a struggle for the in- dependence of Egypt is near at hand. Through- out the year 1869 the Government of Egypt was involved in an open diplomatic war with the Sultan, and several times the outbreak of hostilities appeared imminent. At the close of the year the submission of the Khedive of Egypt to the ultimatum of Turkey was an- nounced. (See EGYPT.) The celebrated constructor of the Suez Canal, Ferdinand de Lesseps, is meditating another project, equally grand in its conception, and which, if carried out, cannot fail to have, like- wise, a great influence on the future destinies of the African Continent the conversion of the Desert of Sahara into a great inland sea. The plan is seriously studied and prepared, but no steps to its realization have yet been taken. Abyssinia has lost again the transient im- portance which the English expedition im- parted to it. Civil war again reigns supreme, and there appears to be no immediate prospect of the establishment of a strong and consoli- dated Abyssinian empire. The effects of the war were, however, still visible during the year in the production of a large number of able works, by English, German, and other scholars, which have greatly improved our knowledge of the people and the country, and facilitated the way for the establishment of a closer intercourse between Abyssinia and the civilized world. (For some interesting details of these literary researches, see ABYSSINIA.) An event which cannot fail to have a con- siderable influence upon the progress of civili- zation in Africa is, the conversion to Christi- anity of the Queen of Madagascar. For about half a century the rulers of this important island have been vacillating between Christi- anity and paganism, between civilization and barbaric isolation. Now the victory of Chris- tianity and civilization seems to have been for- ever decided. Paganism had long been under- mined, and was only upheld by the influence of the court. Now there is a rush of the civil officers of all classes, and of the leading men of the island, to solicit admission into the Chris- tian Church, and the utter collapse of pagan- ism is drawing near with remarkable celerity. Madagascar, with its five million inhabitants, will be the largest among the independent Christian states, the others being Abyssinia, Liberia, the Orange Free State, and the Trans- vaal Eepublic. (See MADAGASCAE.) In September the town of Bonny, on the coast of Western Africa, was almost wholly destroyed in a fight, lasting thirty-six hours, between two rival chiefs, Oko Jumbo and Ja Ja. These native conflicts are becoming much more sangui- nary than formerly, because the parties are supplying themselves largely from the Euro- peans with guns, rifles, and munitions of war. Under the treaty between Great Britain and the king and chiefs of Bonny, they undertake not to go to war so long as they are indebted to the merchants trading for goods, under the penalty of a fine of two hundred puncheons of AGRICULTURE. palm-oil (worth about six thousand pounds), besides all damages and expenses. This is the only safeguard white men have against a dis- turbance like the present becoming most dis- astrous. The population of Africa is estimated, by the best authorities, at about one hundred and eighty-eight millions. A real census of the population is only made in the European colo- nies, and even there it is, in most cases, based, not upon an actual count, but upon taxes and hearths. In the dependencies of Turkey noth- ing but estimates are made ; only Egypt has taken a few censuses, but the method of taking them has inspired but little confidence in their accuracy. As to the interior, the vague state- ments of travellers are the only source of our information. This source has, of late, how- ever, become much more abundant than in former years. If we do not know yet the ac- tual number of the population, we already have a tolerably trustworthy picture of the density of the population in the different sec- tions of the country. The densest population is to be found on the land-girdle encircling the Gulf of Guinea. The territory to the north of this girdle is but thinly settled, even Nubia, Kordofan, Taka, and Abyssinia, not excepted. In the countries of the Gallas, and the shores of the White Nile, the population is again more numerous; farther south, down to So- fala, the population again declines ; Livingstone found it on the Zambesi small in comparison with what the country would be able to sup- port. British Kaffraria has about twenty-two men to a square mile, but the southern ex- tremity of Africa is, again, thinly peopled. Only on the Cunene we again find an increase in the density of the population, which from there increases steadily in Benguela, Angola, up to the equator. AGRICULTURE. The necessity of issuing the ANNUAL CYCLOPAEDIA early in the year succeeding that whose date it bears, renders it impossible to obtain accurate and complete returns of the crops of the preceding year, agricultural statistics being always very slow of collection. We are compelled, therefore, in this, as in the last volume, to give the complete returns of the year before the last in a con- densed form, which have just been published by the Agricultural Department, and then to make our estimates of the principal crops for 1869 from the data furnished by the monthly reports. This is the less to be regretted, be- cause these monthly reports have now attained to such a measure of accuracy as to approxi- mate with sufficient nearness to the official re- turns, to answer all practical purposes. The final returns of the principal crops for 1868, and the comparative crops of 1860 and 1867, were as follows : CROPS. 1860. 1867. 1868. Value of Crops of 1863. Corn .... . . . . . . bushels .... 838,792,740 173,104,924 21,101,380 172,643,185 15,825,898 17,571,818 111,148,867 434,209,461 19,083,896 5,387,052 60,264,913 768,320,000 217,875,400 23,490,000 275,098,000 25,727,000 21,359,000 67,783,000 323,724,000 26,277,000 2,300,000 112,000,000 906,527,000 224,036,600 22,504,800 254,960,800 22,896,100 19,863,700 106,090,000 320,382,000 26,141,900 2,500,000 104,000,000 $569,512,460 319,195,290 28,683,677 142,484,910 29,809,931 20,814,315 84,150,040 40,081,942 351,941,930 225,000,000 51,500,000 Wheat .... Eve . . . Oats Barley Buckwheat . Potatoes Tobacco pounds Hay........ Cotton Wool tons . bales of 400 pounds pounds Aggregate value of principal crc ps in 1868 $1,862,674,495 How much should be added for the crops of sugar (cane, sorghum, maple, and beet-root), honey, and wax, peas, beans, rice, hemp, flax, hops, sweet potatoes, beets, turnips, parsnips, squashes, melons, cucumbers, onions, silk, fruits of all kinds, and dairy products, is, of course, a matter of conjecture ; but, basing our estimates on the census of 1860, with the known increase in many particulars, both in quantity and price, we are satisfied that $400,000,000 is not an over-estimate, which would give for agricultural products, aside from live-stock, or the meat and skins, of slaughtered animals, $2,262,674,495 as the agricultural productions of the year 1868. The following table shows the number, average price, and total value, of the domestic animals in the United States, in February, 1869, together with the number of cattle, sheep, and swine, in Great Britain and Ireland, in 1868 : LIVE-STOCK IN UNITED STATES, FEBRUARY, 18G9. Number. Average Price. Total Value. Cattle, etc., in Great BriW am and Ireland in 1868. Horses 6,332,793 921,662 9,247,714 12,185,385 37,724,279 23,316,476 $84 16 106 74 39 11 25 12 2 17 6 26 $533,024,787 98,386,359 361,752,676 306,211,473 82,139,979 146,188,755 Mules and Asses Milch Cows 3,625,137 5,458,279 35,607,812 3.189,167 Sheep Swine Total value of live-stock in United States $1,527,704,020 AGRICULTUEE. We now proceed with our usual summary of the crops of 1869. Wheat. The crop was in most sections better than in 1868, and a large acreage was sown. Had the spring-wheat been equal to the winter-wheat, the crop would have been unprecedented; but floods in some sections in- jured the spring- wheat seriously, and the long wet season caused it to smut and to lodge. The average improvement on the previous year is 11 per cent., and some of the great wheat States do even better than this. The aggregate cannot vary greatly from 260,000,000 bushels. The Corn crop was in some of the largest corn-growing States very much below that of 1868. A greater breadth was sown, and some of the new States and Territories raised larger quantities than ever before. We put this crop at 846,000,000 bushels.' Eye was on the average about six per cent, better than in 1868, and did not vary much from the crop of 1867. We estimate it at 23,850,000 bushels. Oats were materially better, both in quantity and quality, than in 1868, averaging 16 per cent, advance in quantity, and a considerably greater weight. We estimate the crop at 295,750,000 bushels. Barley is never a large crop, and its use for malting purposes is decreasing, from the sub- stitution of cheap sugars. Still we have every year imported considerable quantities from Europe. The crop of 1869 was about 12 per cent, better than that of 1868, amounting to 25,640,000 bushels. JBitcfcwheatwas worse than in 1868 by about 7 per cent., and the crop did not probably ex- ceed 18,400,000 bushels. The yield of Potatoes was large, but the quality was not so good as the previous year. We estimate the crop at 114,600,000 bushels. Tobacco fell off slightly from the high aver- age of the previous year. The yield is esti- mated at 319,377,000 pounds. The Hay crop has varied but little for three years past. It approximates very closely to that of 1867, being not less than 26,250,000 tons'. The Cotton crop was larger than in any year since 1860, amounting to not less than 2,700,- 000 commercial bales, of 466.8 Ibs. average weight, or fully 3,000,000 bales of 400 Ibs. The Root crops generally were large as were also the melons, squash, pumpkin, and cucumber crops and of excellent quality. Of Fruits, the small fruits, owing to the wet and cool season, were not as plentiful or of as good quality as usual. Grapes were abundant, and generally of fine quality. Peaches were very plentiful, but not quite as large as usual. Apples were not abundant, but of good quality. Pears were of fine size and flavor, and mod- erately plentiful. Of most other fruits there was a deficiency. The Hop crop was not so large as the pre- vious year, but of better quality, and com- manded somewhat better prices. Wool is still laboring under a considerable degree of depression, but there are indications of improvement. The failure of several heavy manufacturers of woollen goods, early in the year, and the very low price at which foreign wools were thrown upon the market, have contributed to increase the discouragement of the wool-growers, but these difficulties are now receding, and a considerable number of new woollen mills have been put in operation, especially on the Pacific coast. The price of wool in the later months of 1869 advanced slightly, but at the close of the year there was again a declension in price. The entire wool product of the year, including both the clip and pulled wool, did not probably exceed 100,000,000 pounds, of which nearly one-fifth was grown on the Pacific coast. The Wine product of the year was very large, and every year increases it. The Cali- fornia vineyards produced nearly ten million gallons, aside from the large quantity of spu- rious wines which, we are sorry to say, are manufactured in San Francisco ; and the vine- yards on the Hudson River, on the shores of Seneca and Crooked Lakes, on Lake Erie, at Cincinnati and its vicinity, and in Missouri, have added not less than six million gallons more to the supply. A considerable amount of brandy is also distilled from these wines. The production of flax and hemp has fallen off of late years. Flax is grown largely for the seed, but the greater part of the lint is wasted, because jute, a greatly inferior but easily manu- factured fibre, can be imported more cheaply than the flax can be produced. Less than one- fourth of the quantity of hemp is now grown in Kentucky and Missouri which was produced there in 1860, because manilla and other Eastern fibres can be imported more cheaply than hemp can be raised. The number of Hogs slaughtered for the pork-packing trade up to March 1, 1869, were about 2,400,000, against 2,781,180 the previous year, a falling off of 14 per cent., caused largely by the prevalence of hog-cholera, and perhaps influenced to a slight extent by the alarm in regard to the presence of trichinae and the germs of tape-worm in pork. We give below two tables : the first showing the number of acres devoted to each of the principal crops in the United States in 1867 and 1868 (the acreage for 1869 will not be made up for several months to come), and the space devoted to the same crops, or a part of them, in Great Britain and Ireland, together with the average yield per acre of each crop, and its average value per acre, in the United States ; the second giving the average yield of farm products to the acre in each State in 1868, and the average value of all crops per acre in each State the same year. This last table will be an excellent guide to the comparative value of farming-lands in different States. AGEICULTUKE. PRODUCTS. No. of Acres, 18C7. No. of Acres, 1868. y in i Average value of farm products per acre in the United States. .3.3 i <> a * y 1 Indian Corn, or Maize 32,529,249 34,887,246 Bu*Mi. 25.9 $16.32 Busheli. Wheat 18,321,561 18,460,132 12.1 17.29 3,951,018 36 1,889,175 1,651,321 13.6 17.37 54,827 10,746,416 9,665,736 26.3 14.74 4,469,387 65 1,131,217 937,438 24.4 31.79 2,348,068 38 1,227,826 1,113,933 17.8 18.68 Potatoes 1,192,195 1,131,552 93.7 74.36 1,584,213 494,333 427,189 751 Ibs. 93.82 Hay... ...... 20,020,554 21,541,573 1.21 tons. 16.33 5,690,318 Cotton 7,000,000 7,000,000 160.7 Ibs. 32.14 Total . . 94,343,326 96,816,240 TABLE SHOWING THE AVERAGE CASH VALUE OF FARM PRODUCTS PER ACRE FOR THE YEAR 1868. STATES. m j i I 1 A 1 1 1 1 k 1 M Tobacco. i S-3 B. gS/3 <) Maine $41 12 $24 00 $24 15 $18 04 $20 28 $22 08 $101 40 $12 24 $16 72 New Hampshire. . 50 05 28 31 20 22 20 14 31 75 18 60 93 72 13 50 18 03 Vermont 51 59 36 16 21 16 22 50 33 12 13 44 81 00 14 79 19 54 Massachusetts . . . Khode Island .... 48 84 44 55 37 20 31 46 26 72 30 71 21 69 21 56 31 35 36 80 14 25 19 89 107 88 108 07 $299 00 25 16 22 40 29 96 32 70 Connecticut 45 90 31 00 21 46 22 71 25 20 21 84 106 47 862 50 19 83 24 79 New York 35 84 30 36 20 68 19 24 38 09 19 89 71 44 100 00 15 00 21 49 New Jersey 37 12 29 32 20 25 15 45 35 49 21 37 94 09 73 50 26 60 28 46 Pennsylvania .... Delaware 35 00 21 25 25 34 22 80 17 42 9 38 17 79 4 80 35 09 29 28 17 98 25 00 81 84 75 00 66 00 54 00 21 60 25 00 23 58 14 91 24 09 21 31 16 33 11 52 28 67 22 44 87 42 60 48 21 46 21 16 Virginia 14 66 15 96 9 79 9 g| 15 00 18 03 54 76 66 55 15 Rft 16 59 North Carolina. . . South Carolina. . . Georgia. . 11 15 10 20 11 55 11 80 12 60 12 32 9 54 7 90 11 73 8 45. 8 24 9 87 19 50 17 10 qq qo 12 94 67 64 156 55 150 96 109 71 85 00 175 50 18 75 16 15 21 QO 13 92 10 93- 12 13 Florida . . 14 80 24 75 17 50 11 50 28 60 moo 148 40 21 00 15 50 Alabama Mississippi . . . . 9 28 12 65 12 07 19 92 9 80 20 68 10 29 15 45 18 48 14 00 92 11 94 25 158 48 260 73 32 00 01 0* 9 97 tq -17 Louisiana ........ 16 50 18 25 21 85 24 00 283 50 210 00 90 00 17 30 Texas 15 50 13 50 18 76 23 94 23 76 91 50 149 12 12 50 16 11 Arkansas 19 21 27 00 14 09 18 00 23 10 83 16 104 40 20 00 20 18 Tennessee 12 39 12 40 11 25 10 96 26 16 13 79 54 75 133 66 -iq qy U4-8 West Virginia Kentucky 26 25 15 36 20 11 15 81 16 59 14 03 12 59 10 56 31 99 26 72 22 01 18 45 62 10 53 60 104 48 89 53 18 75 16 82 22 19 17 20 Missouri 17 27 20 86 17 76 14 14 42 10 17 81 81 00 89 94 15 40 17 92 14 70 13 80 15 06 12 44 35 08 17 76 57 51 68 88 14 00 14 52 Indiana 17 68 16 80 15 79 12 19 32 18 18 33 66 00 74 02 UQY 17 01 Ohio 20 40 21 45 15 50 14 50 33 07 18 51 66 36 61 86 17 Q4. 20 10 Michigan 25 08 20 50 19 72 15 05 36 34 15 90 52 64 231 00 18 75 21 00 Wisconsin 19 14 13 00 16 74 15 68 32 40 14 98 55 44 150 00 i q on UR4- Minnesota 21 44 12 45 14 00 17 28 28 50 19 98 92 11 140 00 980 Ua<) Iowa 13 69 13 77 16 15 11 55 32 24 18 06 60 48 178 25 q hr. 1090 Kansas. . . . 17 82 21 06 2] 42 14 25 22 54 2 22 79 90 143 00 noq 1 S R2 Nebraska 15 80 14 88 18 30 16 41 35 25 14 I 9 69 30 115 50 10 09 1 c q^ California 45 00 20 60 19 60 21 00 28 84 18 00 50 40 iq q^ OO QK The diseases among cattle and live-stock generally have not been as prevalent as in 1868. There has been, however, in the West a con- siderable amount of the Spanish, or, as Prof. Gamgee calls it, "splenic fever," and it seems to be traced to the Texas cattle. Just at the close of the year a disease, bearing resem- blance to rinderpest, made its appearance in some of the Hudson Eiver counties of New York, but has not as yet spread to any extent. Notice has been sent to our Govern- ment by some of our consuls in Europe of the existence there of a new disease of cattle, known as "the foot and mouth disease," con- tagious and debilitating, but not generally fatal, and precautions have been taken to prevent its introduction here. The "hog cholera" has greatly diminished in its prevalence, and severity, but still destroys a considerable num- ber of swine. The treatment of the foot-rot 8 AGRICULTURE. in sheep with the cresylic foot-dip, a cheap oarbolic-acid soap, has proved effectual wher- ever it has been tried. Considerable attention has been paid to the testing of new fibrous vegetables, not so much for the making of woven fabrics as for the supply of material for making paper, though both have been considered in the investigations which have taken place. The new demands for paper, not only for books and newspapers, but for collars, and cuffs, for stereotyping, for papier mache goods of all kinds, for boats, the Avails of houses, for roofing and sheathing pur- poses, as a substitute for leather, etc., etc., have quite outrun the old supply of material for it, raised the price of rags so high as to make them too costly for the paper-maker's use, and compelled him to turn to other fibrous materials for the production of this indispen- sable article. Straw and husks answer a very tolerable purpose for binders' boards, and the coarser papers generally, but the paper made from them is too brittle and tender, and often too variable in color, for many purposes. The bamboo, the giant rush or cane of the Southern coast, the large maha or mallow of the Jersey swamps, basswood shavings, and a variety of other articles, have been used. All these will make paper, and most of them paper of good quality ; but the- practical question is, can they be furnished in sufficient quantity, and at a price sufficiently low, to make paper-making profitable? The English paper-makers have been using for some years past a fibrous grass, known as esparto grass, growing upon the barren heath-lands of Spain, and gathered by the poor there. There are two genera of this, the true and the bastard A tocha, known botan- ically as Macrochloa tenacissima, and Lygeutn spartum. This material makes an excellent paper, and the English manufacturers con- sumed, in 1868, 95,000 tons of it. At first it was used in connection with rags, but after a time it was found to make better paper alone ^ than with rags, and the process was materially simplified. The present duty on the esparto grass prohibits its importation here at such a price as would make it profit- able; but an effort, which promises to be successful, has been made to encourage its growth on the waste and sandy lands of the sea-coast in the Southern States, which are now unimproved, but are well adapted to the crop. Meantime, attention has been attracted to a species of grass found abundantly in river- bottoms and marshy lands, especially in the Mississippi Valley. It is called marsh or cord grass, and, by the botanists, Spartina cynosu- roides. It can be mowed in September or October, and brought to a market near at hand for about five dollars a ton. There are no joints in the stalk, and experts pronounce it a better fibre for paper than the esparto. A Mr. Wood- ruff, a paper-manufacturer of Quincy, Illinois, has used many hundred tons of it for making a fine quality of wrapping-paper, and has recently changed his mill into a print and book p*aper-mill, in which he purposes using this stock only. On the Pacific coast the manufacturers are beginning to utilize the tule rushes for the same purpose. Still more recently, the paper-makers of the Atlantic States have been making experiments to ascer- tain the practicability of using the okra-plant for paper-making. Its fibre is sufficiently strong to answer the purpose, and it is con- tended that it will yield such immense quan- tities to the acre, that it will prove a profitable crop to cultivate for paper pulp. For this purpose, as well as for the production of fibres for cordage and for bagging, it has been pro- posed to bring cargoes of the textile fibre (Bromelia syhestris) from the Isthmus of Tehuantepec ; or of some of the agaves, from Yucatan, Campeachy, or the Mexican coast. The fibrous portions of these may be easily extracted, and they cost little besides the trans- portation. From some of these sources, or those indicated in previous volumes of the AMERICAN ANNUAL CYCLOPAEDIA, it is probable that an ample supply of material for paper- manufacture will be obtained. FISH-CULTURE has made great progress in most of the Eastern States within a few years past, and in every State on the Atlantic slope there are numerous ponds and hatching-houses for the rearing of brook and lake trout, salmon, whitefish, black bass, etc., while the rivers are fast becoming better stocked with the finny tribes. An effort is now making to introduce the system of oyster cultivation which has proved so successful and profitable in France. The whole business of oyster-planting on our coasts has been conducted in a careless, waste- ful, hap-hazard way, which has involved a great loss of the valuable bivalves from overcrowding, silting over, and the needless destruction of mill- ions of the spat or embryo oysters ; and, though the oysters of the American coast are the finest in the world, a few more years of the reckless mismanagement of past years would enhance their value above the means of the common people. Oyster-breeding is a very simple and easily-acquired art, and the oyster is so pro- lific, two million ova being often found in a single female at the breeding-season, that there is no difficulty with ordinary care in ob- taining a largely-remunerative crop. About three years are required to bring the oyster to perfection, but, by planting them in suc- cessive years, there can be always an ample crop each year after the first is ready for the market. The culture of the beet for sugar, though not proving so successful as was expected, at Chats- worth, Illinois, owing to the lack of skilled work- men, or some other cause, has been taken up and prosecuted largely and with most admir- able results, in Wisconsin, in California, where it bids fair to attain a great success, and be- come a leading article among the agricultural products of that fertile State, and in New Jer- AGRICULTURE. 9 sey, where some of the light and sandy loams have proved well adapted to the production of a superior quality of the white sugar-beet. It will doubtless become in a few years one of our most valuable articles of produce. The methods of extracting, reducing, and clarifying the syrup, have been much cheapened and sim- plified within a year or two past, and there seems to be no good reason why beet-sugar should not be produced as cheaply as that from the cane. The rearing and feeding of silk- worms, and the sale of their eggs and cocoons, are becoming a very considerable business, and will hasten the period now fast approaching when the silk consumed in this country shall be wholly manufactured here. California is admirably adapted for silk culture, and is em- barking in it extensively. She is already ex- porting very largely both of silk-worms' eggs and cocoons, and her cocoons command the highest prices of any in the world. The silk- worm is not affected with disease there, nor is it killed by the thunder-storms which prove so fatal in Europe. The Agricultural Colleges and agricultural departments of previously-existing colleges, es- tablished under the agricultural land-grants of Congress, have not as yet achieved the suc- cess which was expected of them. This has resulted from several causes : there were, previ- ously to the establishment of these institutions, no schools in this country in which a thorough training in many branches of agricultural sci- ence could be acquired, and the European ag- ricultural schools and colleges were intended to supply intelligent agriculturists for a dif- ferent climate, soil, and circumstances, and the sudden demand for so many agricultural professors could not readily be met by men competent for the work which they under- took. There has been also a great degree of ignorance on the part of many of the trustees of these institutions of what was required for an agricultural college. The model farms have been very far from what ordinary farms could or should be made ; and the whole course of instruction lacked clearness and definiteness of purpose. There are, in all, twenty-one of these colleges or collegiate departments or- ganized, and in a few of them there is the prospect of a better state of things ; but, as most of them are at present constituted, we believe the young man who aspires to become a skilful and successful farmer would do better to hire himself out, at no matter what wages, for three years, to some clear-headed, intelli- gent farmer, and learn by actual experience the practical value of his plans of farming, studying meanwhile at all intervals of leisure those sciences which have a direct bearing up- on agriculture. He would in this way acquire fewer theories, but more and better practical knowledge. A very important question to agriculturists and those intending to become farmers is, how long it will be possible to ob- tain land at any reasonable price. Already in most, even of the newer States, the Government lands, except the most sterile and worthless, are already taken up, and farming lands ad- vantageously situated are not to be obtained below ten, fifteen, or twenty dollars the acre. The tendency to accumulate large landed es- tates is greatly on the increase; and farms, ranches, or estates, of from 50,000 to 300,000 acres are by no means uncommon in the re- gions west of the Mississippi River and on the Pacific slope. It is not too much to believe, what is roundly asserted by many of the most intelligent land-owners at the West, that by the year 1900 there will be no Government lands worth having (except perhaps in Alaska) to be purchased, and that no good farming-lands will be purchasable under a hundred dollars per acre in our vast domain. There is, indeed, a large amount as yet professedly unsold ; but of this the greater part is as yet unsurveyed, though its available tracts are staked for preemption, location with land- warrants, or under the homestead act, or destined to be secured by some of the land-grant railroad companies, or set apart for educational or charitable pur- poses. Vast tracts, too, especially in the Rocky Mountain and Pacific regions consist of moun- tain-summits, or desert and uninhabitable lands, like the bad lands (mauvaises terres} of Ne- braska and Dakota, or covered with extensive lakes like much of Minnesota and Wisconsin, or great masses of primitive rock. Mr. Ezra Cor- nell, the wealthy and shrewd founder of Cor- nell University, though employing for three years past one of the best land-buyers in the West, and expending money very freely to secure good opportunities for locating land- warrants, has found it impossible to locate the whole amount of the agricultural land-grant of New York (990,000 acres) advantageously, and is still securing lands wherever he can find those which are available for his pur- pose. The farmer who has ample capital, and farms on a large scale, with the improved methods of ploughing, cultivating, sowing, reap- ing, mowing, thrashing, and packing his prod- ucts by machinery, driven by steam or other motive power, has greatly the advantage of the small farmer, and can reckon up his profits each year by scores of thousands of dollars ; this style of farming may be expected there- fore almost wholly to monopolize agriculture as it is already doing manufacturing, commerce, mining, and trade. This tendency to land mo- nopoly is a great evil ; for land differs from other descriptions of property in giving to its owner a greater measure of independence, as well as a more permanent interest in the na- tional welfare. Especially is this the case in a country where suffrage is free. Were every voter a landholder, our legislation would be far more thoughtful and judicious than it now is. A nation, the large overwhelming majority of whose voters are dependent upon others, and have no tie binding them to the soil, is on the high-road to ruin. 10 ALABAMA. ALABAMA. During this year there was no election for State officers held, except in one or two districts, to fill vacancies in the Legislature. On the first Tuesday in August there was held an election for representatives to the Forty-first Congress, resulting in the choice of Messrs. Buck, Buckley, Heflin, and Hays, the Republican candidates in the first, second, third, and fourth districts respectively ; and Dox and Sherrod, Democrats, in the fifth and sixth districts respectively. In December, 1868, a resolution was passed by the Legislature, directing the Executive to initiate proceedings for the annexation of the territory of Western Florida. Accordingly Governor Smith appointed three commission- ers, who, in May, met three commissioners appointed by the Governor of Florida, and terms were agreed upon for the proposed transfer. The leading features of the contract are as follows : 1. It conveys to the State of Alabama jurisdiction over all the country west of the Appalachicola Eiver. 2. It vests the State with a title to all the lands belonging to the State of Florida west of the Appalachicola, which are estimated at over two million acres, and are supposed to be of the average value of $1.25 per acre ; and with the right to five per cent, of the proceeds of the sale of public lands. It is provided that these lands shall continue subject to the trusts imposed by the act of Con- gress donating them. 3. The contract requires that the State of Alabama shall issue its bonds in favor of the State of Florida for $1,000,000, payable in thirty years and bearing eight per cent, interest ; and that two railroads, radiating from Pensacola, one in the direction of Appa- lachicola, and the other in the direction of Pollard, shall receive the benefit of the indorse- ment law of the State of Alabama, approved September 22, 1868, and entitled "An Act to amend the law to establish a system of internal improvement in the State of Alabama." If this contract is consummated, it will add to the State of Alabama the eight counties of West Florida, which are represented to have con- tained, in 1867, a white population of 17,813, and a black population of 8,858, and paid a revenue to the State of $31,245.92. By the adoption of the contract, Alabama will acquire about 10,000 square miles (6,400,000 acres) of territory, with a water front on the Gulf of Mexico of about 180 miles, including the har- bors of Pensacola, St. Joseph, St. Andrews, and Appalachicola. The harbor of Pensacola is unquestionably the best on the Gulf of Mex- ico, as it affords a safe anchorage, and an en- trance for vessels drawing twenty-four feet of water. The question was submitted to a popular vote on the 2d of November, in those counties of Florida to be transferred. There were 1,162 votes cast in favor of annexation to Alabama, and 661 against it. Before taking effect, it is provided that the agreement shall be approved by the Legisla- tures of both States and by Congress. On the 2d of June an Immigration Con- vention met at Montgomery to adopt meas- ures for the encouragement of immigration into the State. A committee of five was ap- pointed to prepare an address to the people of the United States and of Europe, setting forth the advantages offered by the State, and the true feeling of the people toward immigrants from any and all sections. After stating the agricultural, mineral, commercial, manufac- turing, and railway advantages, the address concludes : But, one and all, this convention of the State of Alabama declares with no dissentient voice : 1. That all new population, from whatever country or section, coming among us to aid in the recuper- ation and development of our material interests, is heartily and honestly welcome. 2. That all latitude of opinion, thought, and ex- pression, will be found to obtain among us ; and that neither nationality, sect, nor political views, will be found to injure any man in his business interests, or subject him to social annoyance in any degree far less to cause him the least danger or any outrage whatever. 3. That any and all immigrants, who come from any point whatever for the purpose of aiding their own material interests and, through them, ot bene- fiting the State at large not only meet encourage- ment, but hearty welcome, and every facility we can offer. Exertions have been made during the year to connect Northern and Southern Alabama by means of the South and North Alabama Eailroad, the charter of which provides for its extension from Montgomery to Decatur. On the 16th of February the Board of Directors met and elected ex-Governor R. M. Patton as president, vice John Whiting, deceased. Under the contract, closed in April, work was to be commenced at Montgomery, and the road completed to Lime Kiln by the 1st of October, 1870, to Elyton by the 1st of April, 1871, and to Decatur by the 1st of December, 1871. The contracting parties are to receive for build- ing the road, in round numbers, $5,014,000. One-fourth of this amount is payable in State indorsed bonds, and the remainder is pay- able in cash so far as the remaining in- dorsed State bonds, the city bonds, and the the three per cent, fund, will go. If the cash realized from these sources does not complete the payment, the remainder is payable in second-mortgage bonds at 66f cents, converti- ble into stock within ten years. On the 1st of December a meeting of the stockholders of this road was held, and F. M. Gilmer, Jr., elected president for the ensuing year. During the year there has been fair progress in the construction of the Montgomery and Eufaula and the Montgomery and Selma railroads. The latter road runs along the southern bank of the Alabama River to Selma, there connecting with roads to Vicksburg, Memphis, Rome, Dalton, etc., and will estab- lish a continous railroad line between the Mis- sissippi and the Atlantic. The Executive, in his message to the Legis- lature, having called the attention of that body ALABAMA. 11 to the policy of railroad management, whereby there was an unjust discrimination between the through and local freight tariffs, operating to the prejudice of Alabama merchants, a con- vention of the officers of the various railroad companies in the State was held at Mont- gomery on the 6th of November, and a com- mittee appointed to confer with a joint com- mittee of the Legislature for the adoption of a plan securing the best interests of the State. In accordance with the law requiring the indorsement of railroad bonds by the State to the amount of $16,000 per mile, indorsements from September, 1868, to the meeting of the Legislature, November 15, 1869, were made as follows : For the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad $1,800,000 For the Montgomery and Eufaula Railroad 480,000 For the Selma, and Marion, and Memphis Railroad.... 320,000 $2,600,000 The aggregate number of convicts in the penitentiary on the 15th of November was three hundred and seventy-four, of whom less than forty were mechanics, over two hundred were common laborers, and the balance farmers, cooks, barbers, waiters, etc. Under the lease made in 1866 with Messrs. Smith and McMillan, for the period of six years, they are authorized to employ the convicts anywhere in the State, in coal-fields, iron-mines, and in the building of railroads. The policy of employing the con- victs in this way seems to have been adopted mainly as a means of avoiding the expense that would have been entailed upon the State if they had remained within the prison. The finances of the State are in a sound con- dition. For the fiscal year ending September 30th, the expenditures amounted to $1,412,- 857.81, of which the sum of $380,453.39 was for expenses incurred during the previous year. The receipts from all sources during the year amounted to $686,451.02, which, with the balance in the treasury at the beginning of the year, made a total of $902,238. The surplus remaining in the treasury at the end of the fiscal year was $127,138.15. The pres- ent bonded indebtedness of the State amounts to $5,370,400, on which the annual interest amounts to $307,354. The school-lands in Nebraska given to Ala- bama, in exchange for the sixteenth sections embraced in the twelve miles square reserva- tion in this State, realized by sale $20,480. The eighth annual fair of the Alabama State Agricultural Society was held at Montgomery on the 23d to the 26th of November. The amount of the premiums exceeded $5,000, and the contributions in the various depart- ments were indicative of the general industrial prosperity of the State. The Legislature assembled at Montgomery on the 15th of November; Governor Smith submitted the usual message. After con- gratulating the Legislature on the favorable auspices under which it had assembled, he stated that the removal of political disabilities was a wise measure, and hoped that Congress would pass a general law for the removal of all those which were imposed by the four- teenth amendment; he spoke favorably of the freedmen in their exercise of the elective franchise, argued in favor of immigration as a means of developing the material resources of the State and advancing its prosperity, and recommended a repeal of the law requir- ing the indorsement by the State of railroad bonds to the amount of $16,000 per mile. He regarded the registration law as too com- plicated and too easily manipulated by de- signing men, and recommended a simplifica- tion of the system so as to provide against the abuses to which it was liable. A reduc- tion of the rate of taxation was recom- mended to one-half, or at most six-tenths of one per cent., instead of three-fourths of one per cent. He transmitted also, with his ap- proval, the fifteenth amendment to the Consti- tution of the United States. The Legislature at once proceeded to the consideration of this important measure, which was ratified by both Senate and House without delay. The vote in the Senate was yeas 24, nays none ; in the House it was yeas 69, nays 16. A bill was presented for the reorgan- ization of the municipal government of Mobile. This bill provided for vacating the municipal offices of the city, and constituted the Lieu- tenant-Governor, the Speaker of the House, and the Attorney-General, a board of commis- sioners, whose duty it should be to appoint a mayor, twenty-four aldermen, and eight mem- bers of the Common Council. It was made the duty of the Executive immediately to commis- sion such appointees, who should continue in office until the election and qualification of their successors. It was further provided, that an election should be held in Mobile on the Tuesday after the first Monday in December, 1870, and every year thereafter, for the election of municipal officers, who should hold office for one year, from the first of January next following their election. In consequence of the movements in the State during this year, in favor of immigration, considerable attention has been attracted to the material resources of Alabama. With ref- erence to its physical and industrial features, the State may be divided into five great divis- ions, viz. : The timber region, containing 11,000 square miles; the cotton region, 11,500; the agricultural and manufacturing region, 8,700 ; the mineral region, 15,200 ; the stock and ag- ricultural region, 4,322. Total, 50,722 sq. miles. The timber region, bordering on the Gulf of Mexico and the State of Florida, extends across the southern portion of the State, and northwardly one hundred and thirty-two miles from the Gulf, and forty miles from the Florida line. This section, covered with forests of long- leaf yellow pine, yields excellent timber, tar, 12 ALABAMA. pitch, and turpentine. On the low lands along the rivers is found white, black, and Spanish oak, also bald and black cypress, the timber of which is noted for its durability. The soil, composed largely of sand and clay in its nat- ural condition, is best adapted to the cultivation of grapes, apples, peaches, and pears ; but, by manuring, may be made productive of cotton and corn. The mild climate and the natural pastures of the pine-forests afford unusual ad- vantages for profitable stock-rearing. Fish and oysters in great abundance are supplied from the waters of the Gulf of Mexico and the Bay of Mobile. This section is watered by the Alabama and Tombigbee rivers, and has good railroad facilities in all directions. It has long been a popular summer resort for families from all parts of the State. Land here is in- creasing in value, but good locations may be obtained at prices ranging from $1.50 to $4 per acre. The cotton region joins the timber region on the north, and has a width of about one hundred and two miles on the western, and sixty miles on the eastern line of the State. This belt of land, interspersed with large prairies, with an unsurpassed climate, and having a stiff, black soil, remarkably rich, from two to twenty feet deep, is especially adapted to the cultivation of cotton, corn, and provi- sions, and is considered one of the most healthy and fertile agricultural tracts in the South. Its railroad and river facilities afford easy access to markets. Prior to the late war, this section was much sought after by planters, on account of its great advantages of soil and climate, and plantations commanded prices ranging from $30 to $50 per acre. Now, rich, cultivated plantations, convenient to rivers and railroads, may be obtained for from $5 to $10 per acre. This land will produce from fifty to sixty bushels of corn, or 800 to 900 pounds of seed-cotton per acre. Immediately north of the cotton region lies the agricultural and manufacturing district, extending eastwardly and westwardly across the State, and having an average breadth of about thirty -five miles. The soil, being sandy, is poor; but there are numerous streams, affording good water-power for manufacturing purposes. This is a healthy section of country, and has good railroad facilities. The mineral region occupies the north- eastern corner of the State, extends in a southwesterly direction about 160 miles, and has an average width of about eighty rniles. In the southeastern corner of this section, white marble of remarkable brilliancy is found, some of it not inferior to Carrara marble, and lias been successfully worked. Soapstone, flagstones, graphite or plumbago, and granite, of good quality, are also quarried here. In this region there are three distinct coal-fields, covering an area of 4,000 square miles, namely, the Warrior, Cahawba, and Tennessee fields. The beds of these fields are from one to eight ALASKA. feet thick. The coal is bituminous, generally soft, and well adapted for generating steam, and for the manufacture of gas, coke, and iron. Near these coal-fields are extensive beds of limestone, sandstone, and iron-ore; the iron mines have been worked with good re- sults, the ores producing from 36 to 58 per cent, of metallic iron. There are also abun- dant materials, of good quality, for the manu- facture of bricks, lime, and millstones. In the mineral region are numerous fertile valleys, well adapted to the production of wheat, corn, and cotton, and the rearing of 'stock. Lands in the mineral district may be bought at prices ranging from 12-J- cents to $2 per acre. The stock and agricultural region occupies the northwestern portion of the State : its prod- ucts are cotton, corn, grains, grapes, and stock. The climate is mild and healthy, and the soil rich. Previous to the war, there were many valuable plantations here, and extensive stock-farms ; cultivated lands were valued at from $30 to $50 per acre. Present prices vary from $5 to $10 per acre. Alabama is a valuable timber country, which produces in abundance nearly every kind of useful timber. Besides the long-leaf yellow pine, there grow here the different varieties of oak white, red, black, Spanish, port-pin, and overcup ; also sweet and black gum, poplar, ash, walnut, hickory, locust, chestnut, red and white cedar, dogwood, maple, and elm. By its great advantages of soil and climate, Ala- bama has always held a high rank as an agri- cultural State ; and, from the above exhibit of its industrial resources, it will be seen that good advantages are offered to those wishing to engage in the raising of cotton, corn, or stock, fruits or vegetables ; making wine ; manufacturing cotton, iron, or lime; or sup- f plying coal, marble, or granite. ALASKA. As yet there has been little in- crease in the white population of this Territory, which is still under the military government of the United States. Time enough has not elapsed for the acquisition of much infor- mation in regard to its industrial resources. Our knowledge is confined mostly to its shores, comparatively little being known of the inte- rior. Since Alaska became a part of the Uni- ted States, an Anglo-Russian newspaper has been projected, and is carried on with success. It is reported that game abounds, but none except Indians hunt it. Ducks are abundant, and the grouse are of excellent flavor. There is a large variety of fish, of which the salmon is said to be most delicious; but no oysters have yet been discovered by the whites. Of shell-fish, there is the crab, enormously large, and whose sweetness increases with its size, the clam, and the muscle. During the past summer there was an abundance of berries, principally a berry called the salmon-berry, from its strong resemblance to the roe of that fish, both in color and in its collection of little globules like fish-eggs ; it is very palatable, ALASKA. 13 and lasts during nearly the whole summer. Cranberries are plentiful, and of excellent quality. The potatoes are small and watery ; cabbages will not generally head, while toma- toes and peas do not thrive. Corn, wheat, barley, oats, and such grains, will not ripen, as there is too little sunshine and too much rain. During this year Alaska has been visited by two distinguished observers, the accounts of whose observations materially differ. One of these, William H. Seward, arrived at Alaska in August, by way of the Portland Canal, passed through the Prince of Wales Arch- ipelago, Peril, and Chatham Straits, and Lynn Channel, up the Chilcat River to the base of Mount Fairweather, thence returning through Clarence Straits to Sitka. According to his account, given in a speech at Sitka in Au- gust, the skies were bright and serene, and, during his visit, there were more clear than cloudy days. The scenery of the southwestern coast was fall of grandeur. The Coast Range of mountains, which begins in Mexico, is con- tinued into the territory and "invades the seas of Alaska, rising to an exalted height, and clothed with eternal snow and crystalline gla- ciers." The plains between the mountains, as well as the sides of the mountains them- selves, almost to their summits, are covered with forests so dark and dense as to be im- penetrable, except to wild beasts and savage huntsmen. On the lowest intervale cotton- wood grows. The birch-tree sometimes ap- pears upon the river-side, upon the level above the cotton-wood, and is generally found a comely and stately tree. The forests of Alaska consist mainly of the pine, the cedar, the cy- Eress, the spruce, the fir, the larch, and the emlock. These forests begin almost at the water's edge, and they rise with regular gra- dation to a height of two thousand feet. The cedar, sometimes called the yellow cedar, on the coasts of the islands and rivers, attains an immense growth both in height and circum- ference. The cultivation of gardens, fields, and meadows, has been attempted by natives and soldiers with most encouraging results. The native grasses preserve their nutritive properties, and the climate is so mild that cat- tle and horses require but slight provision of shelter during the winter. There is reason to believe that, beyond the Coast Range of moun- tains in Alaska, there is an extension of the rich and habitable valley-lands of Oregon, Washington Territory, and British Columbia. In regard to the acimal productions of the forests, he says the elk and deer are so plenty as to be undervalued for food or skins by both natives and strangers. The bear of many fam- ilies, black,, grizzly, and cinnamon ; the moun- tain-sheep, inestimable for his fleece ; the wolf, the fox, the beaver, the otter, the mink, the raccoon, the marten, the ermine, the squirrel, gray, black, brown, and flying, are among the land fur-bearing animals. The furs thus found here have been the chief element for more than a century of the profitable commerce of the Hudson Bay Company. This fur-trade, together with the sea fur-trade within the Ter- ritory, was the sole basis of Eussian commerce, and the present supply of furs in Alaska is not diminished. It has not yet been proved that the supply of ice may be made a source of wealth, since it is obtained chiefly upon the small lakes and ponds ; and it is not yet ascer- tained that glacier ice is pure, and practical for, commerce. The range of hills, nearly two thousand feet high and thirty miles long, ex- tending along the Chilcat River, abounds in iron, while limestone and marble crop out on the banks of the same river, and in many other places. Coal-beds, accessible to navigation, are found on Kootznoo, but the concentrated resin in the coal renders it too inflammable to be used by steamers. What seems to be ex- cellent cannel-coal is also found in the Prince of Wales Archipelago. The natives are the only laborers at present in the Territory, the whites going there as traders and soldiers. Considering how greatly most of the tribes are reduced in numbers, and how precarious their vocations are, they are neither indolent nor incapable, but they are vigorous, energetic, docile, and gentle in their intercourse with the whites. The Indian tribes here must do as they have done in Washington Territory and British Columbia retreat before the advance of civilization. The citizens of Sitka are the pioneers the future population of Alaska. The resources of the Territory, its singularly-salubrious climate, and sublime sce- nery, must attract immigrants from our own States, Europe, and Asia. Such is Alaska, as seen by the ex-Secretary of State of the United States. The other account is by General George H. Thomas, the commander of the military dis- trict of the United States which embraces Alaska. His report of his observations in this Territory was made to the War Department, and dated at San Francisco on the 27th of Sep- tember. On the 22d of July he reached Sitka, formerly the headquarters of the Russian- American Fur Company, now the military headquarters of the Territory. According to General Thomas's report, the Indians are treacherous, warlike, and, until recently, dis- contented with the change of governments. It will be necessary, he thinks, to maintain a large garrison at Sitka to protect the traders from Indians, and to preserve order and good behavior among the whites and half-breeds. General Thomas left Sitka on the 25th of July, and arrived at Kenay, about one hun- dred miles up Cook's Inlet, on the 30th. This is the old Russian- American trading-post of St. Nicholas, and is now occupied by one com- pany of artillery. There is a village of Aleuts, numbering about two hundred, near by; an- other small village, a few. miles below; and a settlement of some half-dozen Russian families 14 ALASKA. thirty miles below. There are no other settle- ments, either white or Indian, near. On the eastern shore of the inlet, about sixty miles below Kenay, General Thomas examined a coal-deposit, and found in it a fine quality of cannel-coal, in veins of from four to eight feet thick. About twenty miles below this point another deposit was observed ; mining works were established here a few years ago by the Russian- American Fur Company, but were sub- sequently abandoned, because the coal proved to be comparatively worthless. On the 3d of August Kodiak was reached. Near this place, which is garrisoned by a company of artillery, is the establishment of the ice company which supplies San Francisco with ice, and it is the most southern point on the coast where ice can be produced with certainty. General Thomas did not think there was any necessity for the continuance of this post or the one at Kenay, but did not deem it wise to disturb them until regulations should be established to govern intercourse with the natives. On St. Paul's Island he found a post established to secure the enforcement of the law of Congress regulating the killing of seals, to support the revenue officers, and to preserve order on the islands. The revenue officers restrict the kill- ing of seals to the smallest number necessary for the maintenance of the natives. General Thomas was not favorably impressed with the moral condition of the Aleuts : " Though nearly all members of the Greek Church," he says, "they seem to have no control over their passion for ardent spirits, nor have they very correct ideas in regard to chastity; consequently the effects of contact with the stronger-willed Americans are apparent, as venereal diseases and scrofula are quite com- mon, and there are scarcely any, either male or female, who will not get intoxicated if they have the opportunity; almost the first thing they ask for is whiskey." He saw no evidence of dissipation among the people of Kenay and the islands of St. George and St. Paul, but was favorably impressed with their intelligence and honesty, and found many of the men skilled in mechanical arts. The fur-bearing seals, he reports, are found only on St. Paul and St. George's Islands, and are killed for their furs and oil. Here, from April to September or October, are seen im- mense numbers of these animals estimated at from five to fifteen millions lying in the rook- eries, and covering hundreds of acres. During the season between fall and spring they are not seen, nor is it known where they pass the winter. He thinks that legislation regulating the hunting and killing of these animals is ne- cessary, to prevent the destruction of the rook- eries; that with such legislation, and with a wholesome superintendence of the Indians and Aleuts, one garrison of two hundred or three hundred men, and a revenue-cutter, will be all the forces needed in Alaska. The fur-trade of the interior, on account of the fatigue and hard- ALLEN", CHARLES. ship attending it, will never be carried on by white men. He recommends that a mail-route be established between Port Townsend, Wash- ington Territory, and Sitka, touching at San Juan Island, Tongass, and Wrangle, all of which ports are immediately on the route to Sitka. In regard to the settlement of Alaska, General Thomas says: "I see no immediate prospect of the country being settled up. The climate is too rigid ; there is too much rain and too little sun for agricultural purposes. At most of the posts there are gardens, in which are raised radishes, turnips, lettuce, and other wa- tery vegetables, and fair potatoes, though they will not keep any time. The moisture of the climate is so great that these vegetables con- tinue to grow, but do not ripen. The same difficulty has attended all attempts to raise barley, oats, or wheat ; the stalk grows green and rank, but the seed does not come to ma- turity or ripen. There is comparatively little land suitable for agriculture ; the largest tract and best climate known is the plateau on the east side of Cook's Inlet, extending from Kenay to Chogotshaik Bay. The soil is an alluvial sandy loam, very rich and deep, but the sum- mer, though pleasant while it lasts, is not long enough for successful farming. Though the timber is of the finest quality, and in many places conveniently located, still the supply in Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia, is equally good and abundant, and much better located for a market. The fishing-banks along the northeastern coast of the Aleutian Penin- sula and islands are very extensive and boun- tiful, and salmon abounds in all the streams. In addition to the coal mentioned as being at Chogotshaik, there are many other known lo- calities of coal." Congress has as yet taken no steps for the formation of a Territorial government for Alas- ka, and this outlying possession will probably remain under the control of the military au- thorities of the nation for the present. ALLEN", CHARLES, LL. D., an eminent jurist of Massachusetts, born in Worcester, Mass., August 9, 1797 ; died in Worcester, August 6, 1869. He was a graduate of Harvard College, studied law in his native town, and was admit- ted to the bar in 1821. In 1829 he was elected to the State Legislature, and again in 1833, 1834, 1836, and 1840, and was a member of the State Senate in 1835, 1838, and 1839. He was a commissioner to negotiate the Webster Treaty in 1842, and judge of the Court of Com- mon Pleas from 1842 to 1844. In 1848, he took an active part in the Free-Soil movement, and that year was elected to Congress from the Worcester District, and reflected in 1850. His political views, and his known hostility to slavery, placed him to a considerable extent under the ban in Congress ; but he displayed marked ability in all that he had the opportu- nity of doing. In 1849 he had the editorial charge for some time of the Boston Whig, or, as it was subsequently called, the Boston Be- ALLIANCE, EVANGELICAL. ALMONTE, JUAN N. 15 publican, a paper owned and sustained by his friend Charles Francis Adams. In 1858, he was appointed Chief Justice of the Superior Court of Suffolk County, and, on the abolition of that court in 1859, he was appointed Chief Justice of the Superior Court of the State, which office he held until 1867, when he re- signed in consequence of his age. He was a delegate to the Peace Congress of 1861, but maintained there a firm and statesmanlike posi- tion. Judge Allen received the honorary de- gree of LL. D. from Yale College in 1836, and from Harvard in 1863. His decisions in the Superior Court were regarded as very able, and as evincing his profound legal knowledge. In private life he was highly esteemed. ALLIANCE, EVANGELICAL. The meeting of the Evangelical Alliance, for holding which in New York, in 1869, arrangements had been made, has been postponed to 1870, for rea- sons which were explained by Dr. Schaff, at a meeting of the American Branch of the Alliance held in New York, on the 4th of November. Dr. Schaff had just returned from a visit to Europe, where his mission had been to consult upon the holding of the proposed meeting. At the meeting of the British Branch of the Alli- ance held on the 6th of May, the subject of the contemplated meeting was a prominent topic. Serious difficulties concerning the expense of the conference had arisen in the course of cor- respondence between the American committee and the British council. These difficulties were entirely removed after a full and frank discus- sion, and terms of satisfactory cooperation on a fraternal basis of perfect equality were unani- mously agreed upon. The programme for the meeting is drawn up on the basis prepared by the New York Executive Committee, but is considerably changed, in conformity to the wishes of the English and Continental brethren. It embraces the leading religious questions of the age, such as Christian unity and coopera- tion, Christianity and its antagonists, Protes- tanism and Eoman Catholicism, Christianity and civil government, Christian union and Christian life, foreign and domestic missions, Christianity and social evils ; also reports on the Society of Protestant Christendom by the delegates. The Congregational Union of England and "Wales, which Dr. Schaff subsequently attended, passed unanimously a resolution in reference to the meeting, expressing the hope that they might send a delegate, and desiring that events might continue to favor its arrangements, and that the Divine blessing may crown its accom- plishment. Dr. Schaff also attended the two General Assemblies of the Established and of the Free Churches of Scotland, and a number of meetings specially held for the objects of the Alliance, all of which returned a unanimous response to the invitation. The Archbishop of Canterbury would not commit himself, but ex- pressed himself very happy to correspond on the subject. The Dean of Canterbury is to prepare a paper, and, from the position of the Church of England, extend the hand of brother- hood to all evangelical nations. Several emi- nent Evangelical clergymen of England have promised to attend, and " in Germany, France, Holland, and Switzerland," said Dr. Schaff, "the subject has been greatly agitated, and they have promised us their best men, who have truly a representative name and char- acter. The conditions and the circumstances are very favorable. I am confident that, if a meeting had been held this year, it would have been a failure." After hearing the remarks of Dr. Schaff, the New York meeting adopted the following resolutions : Resolved, That we have listened with feelings of lively interest and grateful satisfaction to the report of Key. Dr. Schaff, and, while gladly welcoming home the distinguished representative of the American Branch of the Evangelical Alliance, beg to exchange with him our warm congratulations upon the success- ful issue of his mission, and thank him for the im- portant and efficient service he has rendered. Resolved, That as we heartily approve, so we are prepared to second, with Christian zeal, the steps which have been taken in furtherance of our cher- ished purpose, and, as we believe, the general desire, to hold a Conference of the Evangelical Alliance in the United States ; and, therefore, be it further Resolved, That we hereby extend a whole-hearted American invitation and welcome to the several branches of the Evangelical Alliance in the various parts of Christendom, to meet in General Conference in the city of New York, at a date hereafter to be agreed upon, during the autumn of the year 1870. Resolved, That we are eminently gratified to learn, by the report of Eev. Dr. Schaff, that the preliminary invitation of the American Branch, conveyed through him. to our brethren in Europe, has been so kindly received that we have already good reason to expect the attendance of a number of distinguished dele- gates, and that we have pleasing encouragement to anticipate a large representation from Great Britain and the Continent. Resolved, That, in offering to our brethren abroad the hospitalities of New York, we propose, under God, more than open doors and hearts full of wel- come, looking forward as we do to such communion in Christ, and such " sweet counsel together" touch- ing the interests of His Kingdom, as shall bring down upon our churches and the world we seek to evan- gelize a fresh baptism of blessing, and help us all, who now labor in Christian unity and spiritual fellowship, to the achievement, through Christ, of a heavenly fellowship when labor shall cease and love be in- throned forever. ALMONTE, JUAN N., a distinguished Mexi- can general, statesman, and diplomatist, born about the year 1812 ; died in Paris, March 22, 1869. He was the reputed son of the priest Morelos, the famous -partisan chief, who was shot in 1813. His youth was spent in the United States, where he managed, by the en- ergy of his character, to support himself while obtaining an education. Returning to his native land, he entered upon a military career, and was chosen by Santa Anna one of his aides- de-camp, in which capacity he served in the Texas campaign against General Houston, being made prisoner with his chief at the battle of San Jacinto. On regaining his liberty he was made Secretary of State, and was subsequently appointed minister plenipotentiary at Wash- 16 AMERICA. ington; but, when the annexation of Texas was resolved upon, he demanded his passports, protesting at the same time against that meas- ure. In 1845 he was a candidate for the pres- idency of the Republic of Mexico, but failed ; and was afterward, upon the elevation of Pare- des to power, appointed, first, Minister of War, and then ambassador to Paris. He was on his way to France when he heard, at Havana, of the return of Santa Anna to power, upon which he immediately went back to Mexico, and, joining Santa Anna, took part in the war against the United States, distinguishing him- self at the battles of Buena Vista, Cerro Gordo, and Churubusco. After the close of the war he entered the ranks of the Liberal opposition, and for the second time became a candidate for the presidency, but again without success. He was solaced, however, with an appoint- ment as Mexican minister at Paris, which office he held at the period when President Miramon was overthrown by Juarez. He returned to Mexico with the allied expedition in 1862. Juarez protested against his presence in the French camp, and demanded that Almonte should be delivered up to him ; but, although General Prim and Sir Charles' Wyke, the Eng- lish commissioner, were willing to comply with this demand, the French commander re- fused, and shortly after a proclamation was issued by General Taboada, declaring Juarez deposed, and Almonte invested with supreme power in his place. He found himself, how- ever, unable to organize a government; and General Forey, on his arrival in Mexico, an- nulled Taboada's decree, and announced to the Mexicans that they were free to choose a new government. After the decisive victory of the French arms, Almonte became one of the tri- umvirate to whom they intrusted the manage- ment of affairs in Mexico, assigning him the Foreign Department and the Finances. He was appointed Lieutenant of the Empire by Maximilian in April, 1864, and some weeks later Marshal of the Empire. He adhered to the fortunes of his imperial patron throughout his short reign, and, wljen Maximilian fell, left his country for Europe, spending the last days of his restless life in exile. AMERICA. No territorial change affected the map of America during the year 1869. The Senate of the United States took no action upon the purchase of the two Danish islands, St. Thomas and St. Joim, which had been negotiated by Mr. Seward, and had been rati- fied by an almost unanimous vote of the popu- lation of the two islands, and this scheme of annexation may therefore be regarded as hav- ing for the present failed. At the close of the year, the project of an annexation of San Do- mingo to the United States again assumed a more tangible shape, having received the full ap- proval of President Bae'z. In Cuba, the war for establishing the independence of the island con- tinued throughout the year, and in the course of the year the Cubans were recognized by a num- ber of the South American republics as belliger- ents. In British North America, the scheme of consolidating all the colonial possessions, inclu- sive of British Columbia, into one empire, re- ceived the open and emphatic indorsement of the British Government ; but the dissatisfaction of the people of Nova Scotia remained unabated, and a party openly advocating annexation to the United States gained in the course of the year considerable strength. The war in Paraguay was in October, 1869, not ended, although a provisional govern- ment had been established in Asuncion. The strength of President Lopez had been greatly impaired, but, driven from one stronghold, he always had another ready to fall back upon. (See PARAGUAY.) In other parts of South America the number of civil wars and revolutions was somewhat smaller than usual. The lawful government was overthrown in Ecuador, and in San Do- mingo, Hayti, and Venezuela, civil war raged almost without interruption; but in many of the other States the reign of order appears to be fortified, and the beginning of a new era of peaceful development and progress to be se- cured. Besides Chili, the model republic of Latin America, Mexico, Colombia, Peru, and especially the Argentine Republic, under the wise administration of President Sarmiento, enjoyed a year of peace, and in many respects. a year of real progress. The Pacific Railroad was pushed forward in the latter part of the year 1868, and in the first months of the year 1869, with a rapidity here- tofore unknown, and thus it was completed long before the time heretofore anticipated. The final tie was placed on the 10th of May, 1869, with as much display as possible. Many deficiencies were complained of in the first trans- continental road, but the intercourse between the Atlantic and the Pacific remained uninter- rupted. The important influence which this connection of the two oceans by means of rail- roads must have upon the development of the resources of the continent, was everywhere recognized. Numerous schemes of a similar character are under consideration ; among them is one connecting the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of British North America, and another connecting Chili and the Argentine Republic across the Andes. While transcontinental railroads are bring- ing into closer contact West with East, and North with South, new transatlantic cables are strengthening the electric communications between the Old and the New World, and placing their uninterrupted intercourse beyond any danger from accidents. To the English- American cable, which has now been in suc- cessful operation for several years, a French- American was, in 1869, added; besides, a con- tract for the laying of a Belgian-American cable was concluded, and negotiations for lay- ing one between Portugal and South America were in active progress. ANGLICAN CHUKCHES. The immigration from Europe to America by far exceeded, in 1869, that of any of the pre- ceding years. The great bulk continues to go to the United States, but in several South American republics there has also been for years a considerable increase. A new feature in the history of immigration is the extraor- dinary rush to America of the Chinese, who, it seems, may now come not only in as large numbers as the Europeans, but much larger. It is now certain that this new immigration of people from Asia will greatly enhance the rate of increase of the population of the American Continent, but, on the other hand, grave dan- gers are feared by some economists from a large admixture of Mongolians with the present population of America, and the dangers of a coming Chinese question are discussed. Censuses were taken, in 1869, in Mexico and the Argentine Kepublic, both of which showed a considerable increase of population over the previous official statements. The population of America, at the present day, certainly ex- ceeds 85,000,000, of which, at least, 78,000,000 are inhabitants of independent American States. ANGLICAN CHUKCHES. The Church Almanac for 1870 gives the following statis- tical summary of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States* for the year 1868-'69 : Dioceses 39 Bishops 54 Bishops elect '.I'/. Priests and Deacons 2,711 Whole number of Clergy 2,762 Parishes 2,512 Ordinations Deacons, in 26 Dioceses 115 Priests, in 24 85 Total, in28 200 Candidates for Orders, in 20 208 Churches consecrated, in 18 47 Baptisms Infants, in 26 20,749 Adults, in 26 5,030 Not specified, in 6 3,760 Total, in32 29,539 Confirmations, in 36 " 20,793 Communicants increase in 23 Dioceses during past year 7,186 Number reported in 33 Dioceses . . 176,686 Present number in the whole Church 200,000 Marriages, in 30 Dioceses 7,647 Burials, in 30 u 12,475 Sunday-School Teachers, in 27 Dioceses 18,644 Scholars, in 30 " 185,975 Contributions, in 31 " $4,205,029,41 The following table exhibits the number of clergymen, parishes, baptisms, communicants, teachers and scholars of Sunday-schools, and the amount of missionary and charitable con- tributions for each diocese : DIOCESES AND MISSIONS. & j j 1 Communicants. SUNPAY-SCHOOIS. Contributions for Missionary and Church purposes. ! 1 Alabama. 28 86 43 65 158 26 25 t!6 30 89 36 35 15 48 87 29 19 135 122 67 42 t27 34 22 22 123 287 +49 105 209 47 40 tw 38 20 28 135 t78 70 12 7 26 104 40 98 137 31 32 t!4 81 84 32 54 14 35 70 48 21 107 85 78 42 t44 34 16 22 116 170 +73 106 177 51 35 +59 32 35 42 172 +82 58 13 5 1,343 945 1,832 346 351 378 1,211 505 368 112 753 1,950 610 440 1,347 1,241 518 571 186 106 1,950 3,644 1,168 3,775 751 514 856 875 368 1,128 120 77 7,887 8,093 16,609 1,576 1,581 2,616 5,815 2,418 1,931 486 3,468 10,307 2,351 1,751 10,965 6,021 2,400 2,509 843 939 9,499 20,000 8,310 20,196 3,012 4,533 2,066 1,520 2;421 8,600 5,580 233 130 915 925 1,713 318 140 222 943 437 365 61 462 1,438 285 218 '807 256 'iii 1,271 1,894 1,053 2,808 . 412 601 'iss 200 564 "37 6,708 6,795 11,780 2,981 904 1,823 6,968 3,491 2,596 418 3,759 12,780 2,397 1,765 8,902 5,673 2,053 '"778 10,960 20,867 8,793 41,176 "; 2,814 4,786 ' i'.32i 1,502 6,500 4,343 526 316 $186,242 58 181,425 84 471,124 97 23,738 13 34,289 96 215,473 11 42,03982 60,205 67 8,126 87 89,005 53 318,786 70 29,107 92 64,767 01 139,531 95 89,813 87 45,666 42 6,42952 4,600 70 338,325 31 565,329 69 200,772 18 613,820 70 98,455 00 134,867 85 16,793 42 12,959 60 16,984 88 63,747 00 106,696 74 13,835 80 12,014 67 Albany . . . California Central New York Connecticut Delaware Easton Florida Georgia Illinois Indiana. . . . Iowa Kansas Kentucky Long Island Louisiana . . . Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi . . Missouri. Nebraska New Hampshire. . . . New Jersey New York North Carolina . . . Ohio Pennsylvania Pittsburg Rhode Island South Carolina Tennessee Texas Vermont Virginia Western New York Wisconsin Oregon and Washington Montana * It will be seen, on examination, that the above summary does not include, in some of its items, the statistics of the whole Church. Several of the convention journals were not published when the Church Almanac went to press, and of those published and received by the editor, two contained no abstract of the parochial reports, and no summary of statistics for the conventional year. + The statistics marked with daggers are taken from the Convention Journal of 1868. VOL. ix. 2. A 18 ANGLICAN CHUKCHES. The total statistics of the bishops and clergy of the Anglican Church in Great Britain, Ire- land, and the British Colonies, were, in 1869, as foflows : England and Wales. Archbishops, 2 ; bish- ops, 26 ; deans, 30 ; archdeacons, 71 ; benefices, 12,837; curates, 5,678; rural deaneries, 613; church sittings, 5,643,492. Ireland. Archbishops, 2 ; bishops, 10 ; deans, 32 ; archdeacons, 34 ; benefices, 1,560 ; curates, 599. Scotland. Bishops, 8 ; clergy, 169 ; parson- ages, 72 ; churches, 168 ; schools, 101. The Colonies. Dioceses (including those in process of formation), 51; bishops, 49; clergy, 2,400. The contributions to the Board of Missions for the year ending October 1, 1869, were $127,710.85. There is a deficit of funds of over $19,000. The mission to Greece is in a condition of financial embarrassment. Dr. Hill's resignation of his position there was to take effect in November. Bishop Paine, of the African mission, has returned to the United States to recover his health. The China mis- sion is in a promising condition. A transla- tion of the Bible into the Mandarin dialect is being made. No agent has been appointed among the freedmen since the death of Mr. Gillette. The anniversaries of the Low-Church party were held in November, in Philadelphia. The total receipts of the American Church Mission- ary Society were $98,172.39 : of which $49,- 824.89 were for its own purposes ; $38,837.98 for objects kindred to the work, but not under the control of the committee ; and $9,509.52 for foreign missions. The year was reported the first in which the payments exceeded the receipts. The society has had 108 missionaries in the field. At the twenty-second annual meeting of the Society for the Promotion of Evangelical Knowledge, the receipts of the so- ciety were reported at $51,583 ; the expendi- tures at $49,443 ; the property, at $82,000. The "Evangelical Education Society" held its third anniversary. Its receipts during the year were $31,659; its expenditure, $41,881. The close of the year leaves the society with 112 students wholly or in part dependent upon it. The Church of England is divided into two convocations, Canterbury and York. The Upper House of Canterbury consists of the archbishops and the bishops (21 in number) of the several dioceses. The Lower House consists of 24 deans attached to the several dioceses, 58 archdeacons, 25 proctors for the chapters, and 42 proctors for the clergy ; in all, 149 members. The Upper House of the province of York consists of the archbishops and bishops of the dioceses (7 members). The Lower House con- sists of 6 deans, 15 archdeacons, 7 proctors for the chapters, and 31 proctors for the clergy ; in all, 59 members. The two great schools of the Church of Eng- land are the Universities of Oxford and Cam- bridge. The twenty-six colleges and halls of the University of Oxford had in January, 1868, 4,190 " members of convocation," and 7,535 "members on the books." The number of professorships was 41. The seventeen colleges and halls of the University of Cambridge had (including 127 members not on the college books) 5,435 members of the senate; 1,927 undergraduates ; and 8,974 members on the books. The number of professors was 35. The Society for the Propagation of the Gos- pel in Foreign Parts report a general fund of 76,784 12s. Id. ; appropriated funds, 12,- 108 8s. 5d.; special fund, 14,238 19. 6d. ; making a total of 103,132. The receipts of other church societies during the year clos- ing May, 1869, were as follows: Church Mis- sionary Society, 157,330 ; .South American Missionary Society, 10,551 ; Colonial and Continental Church Society, 35,445 ; Colonial Missionary Society, 4,030 ; Church Pastoral Aid Society, 51,845; Bishop of London's Fund, 49,603; Additional Curates' Society, 30,538 ; Irish Church Missions to Koman Catholics, 24,445 ; Incorporated Church Building Society, 13,757; Church of Eng- land Scripture Headers' Association, 11,732. The religious homes, houses of mercy, mis- sions, religious houses, and institutions of similar character, of which a considerable number have sprung up within a few years past, are various in organization, from volun- tary parochial and benevolent associations, to societies approaching the character of mo- nastic institutions. The Kalendar, published by the " English Church Union," enumerates fifty-five homes, penitentiaries, missions, and orphanages ; twenty guilds and brotherhoods, and twenty institutions and societies. The last are open associations. Many of the re- ligious homes have a number of institutions under their charge. Thus, the " Sisters of All Saints," Margaret Street, London, have the care of twelve subordinate institutions, dispensaries, homes for aged women, industrial schools, or- phanages, etc. Many of these homes, which gen- erally are sisterhoods, in the larger towns, have established reformatories for fallen women. The guilds and brotherhoods are more strictly devotional in character. The English Order of St. Benedict, founded by " Father Ignatius," as he styles himself, corresponds in character with the Roman Catholic ascetic institutions. The " Guild of St. Alban the Martyr," with nineteen branches, or brotherhoods and sister- hoods; the "Society of St. Osmund;" the " Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ," and others, have for their object the elevation of the ritual, the cultivation of a more devotional spirit and ob- servance of the purity of the Church in doctrine and practice, and other similar ends. Others are more or less open associations, for prayers, for missionary work, for benevolent purposes, for the assistance of poor churches, etc. ANGLICAN CHURCHES. 19 The most notable event in the year's history of the Anglican Church was the enactment of the law for the disestablishment and disendow- ment of the Irish Church. The bill was intro- duced by Mr. Gladstone on the 1st of March, when it was read a first time. It passed a sec- ond reading, after a long and excited debate, on the 24th of the same month, by a vote of 368 to 250, showing a majority, in favor of the pas- sage, of 118. The bill, which contained sixty clauses, was entitled " A bill to put an end to the establishment of the Church of Ireland, and to make provision in respect to the tem- poralities thereof, and in respect to the Royal College of Maynooth." The disestablishment was to be total, but was not to take place until the first of January, 1870, when the ecclesias- tical courts were to be abolished, the ecclesias- tical laws to cease to have any authority, the bishops to be no longer peers of Parliament, and all ecclesiastical corporations in the coun- try to be dissolved. The disendowment was technically and legally to be total and immedi- ate. Provision was made for winding up the ec- clesiastical commission, and the constitution of a new commission composed often members, in which the whole property of the Irish Church was to be vested from the day the measure received the royal assent. A distinction was made between public endowments (valued at 15,500,000) including every thing in the na- ture of a state grant or revenue, which were to be resumed by the state, and private en- dowments (valued at 500,000), which were defined as money contributed from private sources since 1660, which were to be restored to the disestablished church. Provision was made for compensation to vested interests, including those connected with Maynooth College, and the Presbyterians, who were in receipt of the regium donum. Among these interests, the largest in the aggregate were those of incum- bents, to each of whom was secured during his life, provided he continued to discharge the duties of his benefice, the amount to which he was entitled, deducting the amount he might have paid for curates ; or the interest might, under certain circumstances, be commuted, upon his application for a life-annuity. Other personal interests provided for were those of curates, permanent and temporary, and lay compensations, including claims of parish clerks and sextons. The amount of the May- nooth grant and the regium donum was to be valued at fourteen years' purchase, and a capi- tal sum equal to it handed over to the respec- tive representatives of the Presbyterians and of the Roman Catholics. The aggregate of the payments would amount to about 8,000,000, leaving about 7,500,000, giving an annual in- come of about 30,000 at the disposal of Parlia- ment. This was to be appropriated "mainly to the relief of unavoidable calamity and suffer- ing," but in such a way as not to interfere with the obligation imposed upon property by the poor-laws. "When the affairs of the estab- lished Church shall have been wound up, the commissioners were to report to the Queen that the objects immediately contemplated by the act have all been provided for, and to re'- port the amount of surplus available for char- itable purposes. The bill presumed that, im- mediately after the disestablishment, the bish- ops, clergy, and laity would proceed to con- stitute something in the nature of a governing body, which the Queen would be empowered, not to create, but to recognize, to constitute the disestablished Church, and come in pos- session of the private endowments. The bill was introduced into the House of Lords in almost the same shape in which it was introduced in the Commons, and was carried to a second reading, on the 19th of June, by a majority of 33, in a House of 300 members, and about 30 pairs. Vigorous efforts were afterward made to attack the principles of the bill, and save something of the estab- lishment in committee. Among other provi- sions, the Lords sought to allot 3,000,000 to the disestablished Church. Their amendments were nearly all rejected, or remodelled in form or expression. This treatment was received with great indignation by the Lords, so that the farther progress of the bill was stopped, and its withdrawal was looked for. A com- promise was effected, however, in Cabinet council, by which the clergy who commute their incomes are to be allowed 12 per cent, over the value of ordinary lives, while the dis- posal of the surplus of the public endowments, instead of being left to the discretion of the Government, was placed under the direct con- trol of Parliament. With these amendments, and a few unimportant alterations supported by the Lords, the bill was adopted by both Houses, with very little opposition, and re- ceived the royal assent on the 26th of July. Among the amendments which were urged in the House of Lords was a scheme of " con- current endowment," proposing to give a par- sonage-house and ten acres of land to each clergyman in the Roman Catholic and Presby- terian as well as in the Episcopal bodies. It commanded a small but earnest majority in the Lords, but was rejected in the Commons without debate. The separation thus accomplished between the Anglican Church in Ireland and the State Government compelled the former to under- take a reconstruction upon a voluntary basis. The General Synod of the Irish Church, a union of the two Provincial Synods of Dublin and Armagh, met on September 14th, at Dub- lin. It was the first Synod held in Ireland since 1713. The Provincial Synod of Armagh had met a few days previously, but that of Dublin had to be formally constituted, prior to the union of the two into one General Synod. In the Upper House, the Primate (the Arch- bishop of Armagh) presided ; the Lower House elected the Rev. Dr. West, Dean of St. Patrick's and Christ Church, its prolocutor. A 20 ANGLICAN OHUECHES. protest against the disestablishment of the Church was adopted by the Lower House, unanimously, while, in the Upper House, the Bishop of Down objected to it as unnecessary. As to finance, all parties seemed to be agreed that the remainder of the old possessions of the Church which may be retained will re- quire to be largely supplemented by private liberality, if the Church is to be made effi- cient. In the matter of government, the Synod adopted a " Scheme for the Keform of the Provincial Synods, with a view to a union of the bishops, clergy, and laity of the Church of Ireland in General Synod." It proposed that the clergy of each diocese should meet in a Diocesan Synod, and elect a certain number of their brethren to represent them in a General Synod, with whom were to be included one dean and one archdeacon for each diocese, who, with certain officers of Trinity College, Dublin, were to sit ex officio. The latter part of the scheme excited much discussion, and an amendment, proposed by the Dean of Cashel, omitting the ex-officio members, was carried, after an earnest debate, by 107 to 29. It was also unanimously agreed that all parochial clergy, whether beneficed or not, should be entitled to vote for clerical representatives, and that the representation should be in the proportion of one to ten in the clergy. These amendments were accepted by the Lower House. In October, there was a three days' conference of lay delegates of the Irish Church in Dublin. The Duke of Abercorn presided, and some four hundred delegates were present, including a number of noblemen, members of Parlia- ment, and other influential and wealthy mem- bers of the Irish Church. One of the resolu- tions adopted was to the effect that the clerical and lay representatives should sit and discuss all questions together in the General Synod, with the right to vote by orders, if demanded by three of either order at the meeting. It was explained that this recommendation of the Conference was not to apply to Diocesan Syn- ods, but to the General Convention, which is bo be afterward formed. On the question of the relative proportions of the representatives of the dioceses, and also of the clergy and the laity, a resolution was adopted, that the num- ber of lay representatives for the respective dioceses should be partly based on population and partly on the old parochial system. As regards the proportion of clergy to laity, the following resolution was carried by an over- whelming majority : That, in the opinion of this meeting, it is expe- dient that the number of lay representatives in the General Synod should be to the clerical in the pro- portion of two to one, The clergy also had a private meeting, in October, under the presidency of the Arch- bishop of Dublin, at which it was resolved, by a large majority, that the laity should have a common right with the clergy to decide on matters of doctrine and discipline in the future councils of the Church. The bishops, at a meeting held in November, resolved to sit and vote as a separate order, when they deem proper ; or, in other words, to have the power of vetoing any proposal with which they dis- agree. This view of the bishops is, however, by no means acceptable to a large portion of the laity. At a meeting of lay delegates, held at Nenagh, and presided over by Lord Eosse, it was moved by Lord Dunalley, and agreed to, that the meeting greatly regretted the resolu- tion of the bishops, and understood "voting by order " to mean, that a majority of bishops and clergy together and a majority of lay rep- resentatives should be sufficient to pass any motion. The meeting also strongly protested against the bishops having the power of a veto in Diocesan Synods. The judgment in the case of Martin against Mackonochie has been the cause of much ex- citement among the advocates of ritualistic doctrines and practices in the Church of Eng- land. The views they have taken of the course that it would be proper for them to pursue have been various. Shortly after the judg- ment was rendered (January 12th), a meeting was held, at which Archdeacon Denison pre- sided. Its action was limited to the passage of resolutions, protesting against the condem- nation of Mr. Mackonochie to the costs in the case as " a course of unusual and exceptional severity," and declaring that the meeting did not consider the existing Court of Final Appeal " qualified to declare the law of the Church of England upon either doctrine or ceremonial ; " but that, with respect to the particular judg- ment of the court in Mr. Mackonochie's case, the meeting, " feeling the great difficulty of the present case, thinks there are many reasons why those who have used the ceremonials or practices now condemned by the judicial com- mittee of the Privy Council may be anxious to wait rather than to give immediate effect to the decision so pronounced, and considers it is a matter best left to the individual judgment and circumstances of each priest who has been accustomed to use the ceremonials in question." The course was generally adopted of con- forming to the explicit directions of the judg- ment under protest, and with the manifestation of such outward signs of adherence to the the- ories on which their practices were based as should not directly conflict with the terms of the decision. A few, of extreme views, deter- mined to set the decisions at naught, regarding it as their duty " explicitly to obey the law of the Church on those points where it differed from the law of the land, as expounded by the High Court of Appeals." The English Church Union adopted a resolution, offered by Dr. Pusey, calling upon all churchmen to unite and defend the principle on which the English Church was based "namely, the appeal to Catholic and primitive antiquity," and to ad- dress a memorial to the convocations of both ANGLICAN CHUKOHES. 21 provinces, praying them to take measures for promoting the reform of the Courts of Appeal. It also recommended that the particular orna- ments from which Dr. Mackonochie had been commanded to abstain ought not to be de- fended by the Union in any future suit, unless the council was satisfied that the case was one which it was a duty to the Church of England to have submitted to the proper tribunal, and that caution should be exercised in defending ornaments and usages not specifically prohib- ited by the monition, though indirectly and generally coming within the reasonings or principles of the report. A small party advo- cated secession from the Established Church, and a larger one favored the repeal of the es- tablishment, and the entire independence of the church and state, removing ecclesiastical questions entirely from the supervision of civil tribunals. The ninth Church Congress, which was held at Liverpool, was the scene of exciting discus- sions between the ritualists and their oppo- nents. The appointment of Eev. Mr. Mac- konochie to read a paper was much opposed, because of his having incurred judicial censure, but prevailed on the ground that he had purged himself of whatever faults he might have com- mitted by submitting to the decision of the ' court. Very strong papers were read by mem- bers of the ritualistic party, and attracted much attention. A very large meeting of working- men was held in connection with the Congress, at which great interest was manifested. Dur- ing the sessions a meeting of the English Church Union was also held, at which the in- crease of the Episcopate and the reunion of Christendom were discussed. The case of Bishop Colenso continues in an unsettled condition. The Bishop of Capetown, who, as Metropolitan, had excommunicated him, and deposed him from his diocese, has followed up his act by the consecration of Bishop Macrorie, the act being approved and substantially cooperated in by the other South African bishops meeting in Synod, and who recognize the new bishop, both officially and unofficially. This act is regarded by English churchmen as a substantial assertion of the in- dependence of church and state, and as a first step to the erection of a free church in South Africa. It is not regarded by them as legal, eminent authorities in ecclesiastical law hav- ing declared, when consulted on the subject, that no power existed of calling Bishop Colenso to account for his presumed heresies, and the Privy Council having decided that the Metro- politan had no jurisdiction over him. The pre- vailing opinion is expressed in England that, having been appointed by law, Bishop Colenso had an indefeasible right to the title, emolu- ments, and functions of a bishop, beyond the control even of the royal supremacy. On the death of Dr. Philpotts, Bishop of Ex- eter, Dr. Temple, of Rugby, was nominated by the Crown to the vacant see. The appoint- ment was opposed by the High Churchmen and the Low-Church "Evangelicals," on ac- count of the association of Dr. Temple's name with the authorship of one of the papers in the celebrated "Essays and Reviews." Their remonstrances did not prevail, however, with the chapter, a majority of which confirmed the appointment of Dr. Temple, and accepted him as the bishop of the diocese. The efforts for bringing on an intercommun- ion between the Anglican and the Oriental Churches are continued, by the friends of the movement in England, with great zeal. By far the most important event that has yet oc- curred, in the entire history of this movement, is a letter from the Patriarch of Constantino- ple * to the Archbishop of Canterbury. It was written in reply to the address of the Pan- Anglican Synod, which was sent to him in common with the heads of other foreign Churches. The language of the Patriarch has greatly elated the friends of the intercommun- ion movement. They find that his heart beats in response to the desire expressed for union; they consider some of his criticisms upon the English Articles as fully justified, and hope that the convocations may, in particular, repeal the Nineteenth Article, which accuses the ancient Sees of Antioch, Alexandria, and Jerusalem, of false doctrines. The High Church Societies, in particular, the Eastern Church Society, and the English Church Union, are urged to send to the Patriarch of Constantino- ple, and other learned and influential prelates of the East, copies of the best Anglican ex- planatory works on the Articles, and also a collection of the devotional manuals and hymnals in common use in Anglican Churches, and to ask the patriarchs and metropolitans of the East to solicit the prayers of their priests and people that the two churches may be brought into more perfect union. The differences of opinion respecting the construction of laws and usages in the Protes- tant Episcopal Church have given rise to sev- eral cases of church discipline, as in the case of the Rev. Mr. Tyng, Jr., who was tried and cen- sured, in 1868, for preaching within the geo- graphical limits of another parish than his own, without previously obtaining the consent of the rector thereof; and in the trial of the Rev. Mr. Hubbard, of Rhode Island, for inviting and permitting a minister, not in Episcopal or- ders, to preach in the church of which he was rector. Of the cases which have sprung up during the last year, the most noted are those of the Rev. Mr. Tate, in Ohio, tried for viola- tions of the rubric in the introduction of sur- pliced-choirs in the church, in which the court decided that it had no jurisdiction ; and of the Rev. Mr. Cheney, of Illinois, for the practice of omitting the word regeneration in reciting the baptismal service. * The fall text of the letter is given in the Article GREEK CHURCH, in the present volume of the CYCLO- PAEDIA. ANGLICAN CHURCHES. A circular was issued in February, signed by twenty-three presbyters of Illinois, and about fifty clergymen through the United States at large, in protest against the progress of ritual- istic doctrines and practices in the Church, and calling a convention, of those who agreed in the views it set forth, to meet in Chicago in Jane. It met, pursuant to the call, on the 16th of June, and spent two days in discussion of the questions suggested by the protest. It de- clared a careful revision of the " Book of Com- mon Prayer " to be needful to the best inter- ests of the Protestant Episcopal Church, and particularly recommended " that all words or phrases seeming to teach that the Christian ministry is a priesthood, or the Lord's Supper a sacrifice, or that regeneration is inseparable from baptism, should be removed from the Prayer Book." It recommended discussion, of "the vital questions which now agitate the Church," through the pulpit and the press, and that the evangelical clergy of the Church " avail themselves of all such measures as they may deem best to promote fraternal and Chris- tian relations with the ministers of other Churches, especially by uniting with them in such great national institutions as the Ameri- can Bible Society." A standing committee of clergy and laity were appointed, to sit as often as they might deem expedient, and to be a body in perpetuity for the promotion of the general objects contemplated by the Conference. A second Conference was held, in connec- tion with the anniversaries of the Low-Church Societies, in Philadelphia, in November, and passed several important resolutions. The committee on revision was continued by a unanimous vote. The request to the bishops in sympathy with the Conference, to carry out their purpose of striving to obtain certain modifications in the baptismal office, was passed by a ^ decided majority, and would have been unanimous but that some apprehended that by asking only this they precluded themselves from asking other reforms, for which they were equally desirous. The resolution express- ing a desire for a thorough revision passed by a large majority, upon a division of the house. The resolution, requesting the bishops to seek the repeal of the canon on the service of those not ministers of the Anglican Church, was unanimously passed. A resolution, re- questing the bishops in sympathy with the Conference to inquire whether false doctrine is held and taught by any bishops of the Church, and, if so, to institute proceedings to bring any such bishop to trial, was passed without one dissentient vote. The Conference also, by a unanimous vote, resolved to prepare and ma- ture a plan for the organization of a brother- hood, upon evangelical and truly catholic prin- ciple. The new association of the Low-Church party, thus inaugurated, is based upon the fol- lowing statement of principles and objects: 1. The maintenance of the purity of the doc- trine of the Church as opposed to sacerdotal- ism on the one hand and infidelity on the other. The doctrinal basis of the brotherhood shall be the Creeds and the Thirty-nine Arti- cles, with such latitude of interpretation as shall be between the extremes just indicated. 2. The assertion and maintenance of those inalienable liberties which belong to ministers of Christ, as such, and which cannot be im- paired by the fact that they are also ministers of the Protestant Episcopal Church. Among these liberties is, that of unrestricted fellow- ship with such churches and ministers as hold with us the substance of the faith ; the liberty of preaching, so far as territorial limits are concerned, with no other restrictions but such as Christian courtesy and propriety shall dic- tate ; and such liberty in the use or modifica- tion of our formularies of worship as shall seem best adapted to the salvation of souls and the edification of the people of God. 3. The denial of the claim that any civil or ecclesiastical authority can stand to any man in the place of his own conscience ; and the assertion that, in the event of any collision be- tween the two, the claims of conscience are paramount. 4. The development of higher spiritual life in our own souls, by frequent systematic and united devotional exercises ; by united efforts to promote peace and good-will, and by mu- tual exhortation and encouragement to works of love, for the good of man and the glory of God. Nine Low-Church bishops of the Protestant Episcopal Church sent in November the follow- ing circular to their brethren in the Episcopate, in behalf of a revision of the Prayer Book : To OTJB BRETHREN : In consequence of very seri- ous indications of a state of mind among many of the clergy and laity^ of our Church, having regard to alleged difficulties in the Prayer Book, and contem- plating action most earnestly to be deprecated, some of the bishops requested a meeting, in New York, of several clergymen and laymen from various parts of the country, whose knowledge of the facts, and whose opinions as to needed measures, would be valuable. The object was to get such information and compari- son of views as might assist the bishops in forming a right judgment of their duty^ to God, and to the Church, and to their brethren in the state of mind alluded to. It became painfully evident that many in our Church are so burdened and distressed in the use of certain expressions in our formularies, that the in- quiry is obligatory as to what ought to be done, in brotherly kindness and charity, for their relief. The result is the conviction^tnat, if alternate phrases or some equivalent modification in the office for the ministration of baptism of infants were allowed, the pressing necessity would be met, and a measure of relief would be afforded, of great importance to the peace and unity of the Church. We have always been fully persuaded- that our formularies of faith and worship, in their just inter- pretation, embody the truth of Chris.t, are warranted by the teaching of Holy Scripture, and are a faithful following of the doctrines professed and defended by our Anglican Eeformers. The difficulties referred to we ascribe, in a great measure, to the bold innovations in doctrine and usage which at the present time so unhappily agi- tate our communion, and expose the Protestant and ARGENTINE REPUBLIC. 23 Scriptural character of our Church to distrust and reproach. The conscientious scruples of men of godly conver- sation and usefulness deserve the most respectful and aifectionate consideration of their brethren. "We hope they will be so regarded by the next General Convention. We will not allow ourselves to doubt that there will be found in that body such large- heartedness, brotherly kindness, and fervent desire to promote the peace and prosperity of our Church, as will consent to the relief already indicated. In this confidence we address ourselves aifection- ately and respectfully to our brother bishops, and request their kind and fraternal cooperation in our effort to accomplish the desired result, for the glory of our blessed Lord, and the harmony of our beloved Church. C. P. Mcllvaine. Alfred Lee, John Johns, John Payne, G-. T. Bedell/William Bacon Stevens, Thom- as H. Vail, Ozi W. Whitaker, Henry W. Lee. ARGENTINE REPUBLIC, a republic in South America. President, from 1868 to 1874, Domingo F. Sarmiento. The area is es- timated to be 826,828 English square miles; the population, in 1864, was estimated by F. C. Ford (La Eepublique Argentine, Paris, 1867) at 1,465,000; in 1868, in the work "Die Argentinische Republik" (Berne, 1869), pub- lished by the Ccfmmittee of Immigration in Buenos Ayres, at 1,801,000. The confederation is divided into the following fourteen States or provinces : BNTI IKBD. CLl EABED. Vessels. Tom. Veueh. Tons. 1866 1 036 267 213 1 103 263 339 1867 1,136 297,807 1,316 337,'541 Provinces. Inhabitants, 1868.* Capitals. Inhabitants. Buenos Ayres Santa Fe 550,000 60000 Buenos Ayres Santa Fe 200,000 8 000 Entre Rios... 160000 Entre Rios 16 000 Corrientes y Mi- siones 115,000 Concepcion 8000 La Rioja 45000 La Rioja 4 000 Catamarcft. . 110000 Catanxarca g'ooo San Juan 80 000 20 000 Mendoza 68 000 10 000 Cordova 165,000 Cordova 25 000 San Luis 68000 San Luis 5 ooo Santiago. 125,000 Santiago. 6000 Tucuman Salta 105,000 105000 Tucuman Salta 11,000 11 300 Jujuy 45000 Juiuv 6 900 A new census was taken in 1869, and the re- sults, as far as they have been published (De- cember, 1869), show a large increase of the population. Thus the province of Santa F6 has advanced from 45,000 inhabitants, in 1864, to 90,000; that of Cordova from 140,000 to 200,000; that of the city of Buenos Ayres from 120,000 to 200,000. The imports and exports in Buenos Ayres, from 1865 to 1867, were as follows (value ex- pressed in pesos fuertes ; one peso fuerte = 5 francs 10 centimes = 94 cents) : YEAR. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. 1867 33,370,000 32,270,000 27,100,000 ' 28,080,000 23,030,000 22,000,000 1866 1865 The movement of shipping in the port of Buenos Ayres was as follows : * For the population of the several provinces in 1864 see ANNUAL AMEBICAN CYCLOPAEDIA for 1868. Among the vessels which entered there were, in 1866, 437, and in 1867, 882 steamships. The administration of President Sarmiento has, by the wisdom which has marked its acts, won for itself an exalted place in the opinion of the people. In spite of the efforts put forth by the opposition to embarrass the Government, the great majority of the popula- tion, both native and foreign, fully appreciate the eminent qualities which distinguish the President, and the efforts he is making to pro- mote the moral and material interests of the country. It is felt that the republic has en- tered upon a new career, full of brilliant prom- ise. Peace and order have been reestablished in the provinces which had been desolated by civil war. President Sarmiento is making the utmost exertions to promote immigration and educa- tion. In fact, European immigration has given a great impetus to the progress of the country in the arts of industry within the last fifteen years. During this period towns and villages have sprung up, roads have been opened, rail- ways and tramways have been built, canals have been opened, and other improvements in navigation adopted, and manufactories of all kinds established. And all of this has been accomplished in spite of the civil dissensions by which the country has been agitated. These improvements are especially noticeable in the province of Buenos Ayres. Here there are four lines of railway in active operation. Streets are being opened, and new buildings erected on every hand, in this great, wealthy, and splendid city ; while, within a circuit of from five to six leagues around the city, several beautiful villages have appeared as if by enchantment, besides the manufacturing and commercial towns of Boca and Barraccas. To give an idea of the importance of these two towns, distant three miles from each other, it may be stated that not only are they con- nected with the capital by a railway to both, but that a second line runs from Barraccas to Buenos Ayres. The population of the two towns is to-day nearly 40,000 souls. That of Barraccas is largely Basque ; and, as the ac- tivity of the Basques is powerful, it is no wonder that this town thrives so remarkably, or that the heads of its principal establish- ments take the lead in the progressive move- ment. In order to give new encouragement to agriculture and immigration, Congress passed a law appropriating $200,000 (gold) for the na- tional exhibition at Cordova, set down for April, 1870. Religious toleration is strictly maintained, and no complaint, in this respect, is heard from the numerous German and Swiss immigrants 24 ARGENTINE EEPUBLIC. who are Protestants. Though the Catholic countries of Southern Europe continue to fur- nish a larger contingent of immigrants than Germany and Switzerland, the latter have al- ready established a number of colonies, in all of which the Protestant element is strongly represented. In the state of Entre Rios the colony of Villa de Urquiza, near Parana, is al- most wholly German. The next largest Ger- man population is found in San Jose", near Concepcion. La Esperanza, near Santa Fe", is likewise a wholly German colony, which, in 1868, had 850 Catholics and 710 Protestants, with a Protestant church and school. In San Geronimo, a little farther to the southwest, there were 460 German-Swiss ; in San Carlos, 406 Swiss and 16 Germans. In Buenos Ayres the Germans have a Protestant church and school, and a German newspaper. Immigration is increasing with great ra- pidity. While from 1858 to 1862 the number of immigrants amounted to 28,066, or an annu- al average of 5,613, it rose, in the period from 1863 to 1867, to 64,599, an annual average of 12,920; and, during the year 1868, reached the unprecedented figure of 29,284. According to nationality, the immigrants were divided as follows : 1806. 1867. 1868. Italians 6 830 8 955 10 004 French 2 330 3*091 Swiss 683 1 033 j- 8,856 Spaniards 1,850 1 250 3 318 English 1 310 1 350 1 OQfi Germans . 460 530 1 044 Others 497 837 5 ? 066 Total 13,960 17,046 29,384 The Argentine Central Railroad, to connect Rosario and Cordova, 250 miles, is progress- ing rapidly. A submarine telegraph connects Buenos Ayres with Montevideo. The telegraph from Buenos Ayres to Rosario is completed. It is nearly 300 miles long. The tariff is, for ten words, under 100 miles, 40 cents (gold) ; over 100 and under 200 miles, 80 cents ; and for over 200 miles, $1.20 (gold). President Sarmientp had the wires of the telegraph car- ried to his house, and his annual message to Congress was conveyed by the wires to their most distant point, and then it was taken by couriers and spread over the republic in the shortest time ever known in South America. The province of Buenos Ayres passed a law authorizing the loan of 800,000 sterling for the extension of the Western Railroad. The export of meat forming an important staple, Congress voted the sum of 40,000 francs to be awarded as a prize to the inventor of that process which, upon trial, should be proved to bo the best for the preservation of fresh meat. The credit of the nation in 1869 greatly im- proved, and the interest and percentage of bonds were punctually paid. The budget of the current financial year, it is true, showed a deficit of $9,000,000, but it is chiefly caused by ARKANSAS. the extraordinary expenses of the Paraguayan War. The annual revenue of the country is rapidly increasing, the total receipts for the past fiscal year having reached the unprece- dented sum of $14,000,000. The indebtedness for the war is $20,000,000 (gold). The esti- mates for 1870 amount to $16,000,000. But for the disastrous war with Paraguay, the govern- ment would be in possession of a considerable surplus. A bill passed Congress for removing the na- tional capital to Rosario as early as the year 1872. The Executive has, however, vetoed this measure. As to foreign policy, President Sarmiento declared, in his opening speech, at the com- mencement of the session of the Chambers, that the strongest friendship existed between the allied South American powers ; that they felt none but generous feelings for the Para- guayans, and they now proposed to establish a provisional government at Asuncion for the benefit of the people. (See PAKAGTJAY.) The new United States minister, Mr. Kirk, was specially charged by our Government to be vigilant in creating and perpetuating frater- nal relations between the two governments. Sarmiento's warm reply, on the occasion of the new minister's reception, concluded with these words: "If you have read our recent parlia- mentary debates,, you will have observed with satisfaction that Story, Webster, Taney, Gushing, and Pomeroy, are almost Argentine citizens, and masters who point out the way establishing among us your institutions, as re- markable for respect for private liberty as for preserving public tranquillity and the suprem- acy of the Federal Constitution. Be, then, most cordially welcome, as minister resident of the United States, to the Argentine Repub- lic." ARKANSAS. A history of Arkansas, since its first settlement by white men, and of its political existence to the present time, has not been published, perhaps not written. Some statements upon this subject, put together mainly from the official journal kept by de- partmental regulations at the military post of Little Rock, may prove not uninteresting. Though the narrative is intended chiefly to trace up the origin and subsequent growth of Little Rock, now the capital of the State, it points also to earlier explorations and settle- ments made by Europeans in that region gen- erally. It says : " No history of the State of Arkansas has ever been published. Fernando de Soto was its first explorer of any note, and historians still disagree as to whether he was buried beneath the waters of the mighty stream with which his name is inseparably linked, or under the turbid waves of the Arkansas. As De Soto did not explore the country with a direct view to its settlement or improvement, neither he nor his Spanish followers left any permanent memorials of their visits, in its nomenclature, except in a single instance ARKANSAS. 25 Bayou Departed. No river bears a Spanish name. But the enterprise of the subsequent French settlers is manifest in the names of streams and localities. " Louis XV., in 1720, made a grant of twelve square miles to the celebrated John Law, on the Arkansas River, on condition that he should settle on it fifteen hundred German immigrants, and maintain at his own expense a sufficient military force to protect them against the In- dians. Two hundred Alsatians arrived, and five hundred negroes were imported from Africa by the Mississippi Company, of which John Law was the founder, and which has given his name a notorious immortality. The scheme, as is well known, failed, and the colony, after a few struggling years, was aban- doned. It moved to a place about thirty miles from New Orleans, which has since been called * C6te d'Or,' or the * Golden Coast,' from the wealth and prosperity of the descendants of the original colony, among whom the French language eventually took the place of the Ger- man. "Except by enterprising French explorers, in search of gold, no visit was made to the State for along time afterward. It is probable that the next permanent settlement was made near the close of the last century, but it cannot be definitely ascertained. The site then selected was one hundred miles below Little Eock, on the Arkansas River. No splendid patronage of a world-renowned financier gave prestige to the undertaking, which was, this time, the result of the gradual increase of the prosperity of Arkansas. This colony had great difficulties to encounter. Their village was on the low, alluvial soil of the river-bank, and disease made extensive ravages. The surrounding forest was unbroken, and formed an obstacle to the clearing and settlement of the country. The colony would probably have perished in ob- livion, were it not for the cession of the Louisiana Territory to the United States, which threw the country open to the enter- prise of a new race of people. The Territory of Arkansas was established by an act of Con- gress, March 2, 1819, the whole population not exceeding one thousand, exclusive of In- dians. The point at 'Le Petit Rocher,' or ' The Little Rock,' had been a regular place for crossing the river with the Indians from time immemorial. Though it has never been ford- able there, yet a break in the hills rendered it a favorable place for transition. The great In- dian trail passed over the present site of the city. A few families settled there, and Little Rock became the extreme outpost on the west- ern frontier of the United States. Practically it was as far from the national capital as Alas- ka is at present. A mail-carrier on horseback once a month supplied the people of the place with news from Washington City, at least three months old. Governor Miller was the first executive of the Territory. Mr. William E. Woodruff, who survives as' a citizen of Lit- tle Rock, on November 20 r 1819, issued the first newspaper ever published in the Territory, called the Arkansas Gazette, which still flour- ishes, under the supervision of his son. The settlement was named Arkapolis, by some aspiring student, but it soon resumed the descriptive title it now bears. After the Territory was admitted into the Union, in 1836, the growth of the State became more rapid, though still retarded by lawsuits concerning conflicting titles to the land on which the town is situated. A final disposition of these cases was not made till the December term of the United States Supreme Court for 1867. The war, which desolated so many fair cities, seems here to have stayed its insatiate hand, and rather to have developed than injured its prosperity. Large property-holders had been compelled, by pecuniary need, to relinquish town lots to more energetic and enterprising men, who erected fine houses and stores. The capital of Arkansas has its elegant man- sions, its business blocks, its temples of worship, its courts of justice, its public buildings, and every necessary characteristic of a thriving city, except its hotels." With regard to the Spanish and French ex- plorers, or settlers, alluded to in the foregoing narrative, it may be observed here that about the middle of the last century a Spanish fort was built on the high land bordering the Ar- kansas River, some sixty miles above its mouth, with a view to establishing and protecting the fur-trading post from the Indians, and more effectually to secure that Government's claim to the territory against the encroachments of the French from the Upper Mississippi and the Il- linois country. The fort exists no longer, but its site and adjoining grounds are occupied at present by a village called the " Fort," desig- nating by its name the place once guarded by a military force. The grandchildren of Don Carlos de Villemont, Governor of the fort 125 years ago, and those of De Valliere (his immediate successor in that capacity under the short French rule), are still living in the vicinity. Upon Arkansas having been made a Territory by act of Congress in 1819, the seat of its government was located in the above-named village, where it remained for about two years, when the inhabitants transferred it to Little Rock, where the Legislature held its first session after such removal, on the 1st day of October, 1821. Little Rock has continued to be the capital of Arkansas both during its Ter- ritorial condition and since it has been admitted into the Union as a State in 1836. The place in which the city of Little Rock now stands, and which the French settlers, or explorers, had originally called "Le Petit Rocher," in order to distinguish it from "Le Grand Rocher," or " Big Rock" (now a town of this name), two miles above, began to be permanently settled about the year 1818 ; but at the end of 1822, nearly two years after it had become the cap- ital of the Territory, there were not more than 26 ARKANSAS. five or six families dwelling in it. By July, 1824, however, that number of families had increased to forty, and the population of the place has been steadily augmenting, es- pecially since the final settlement of land-titles by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1867. The local affairs of a public character in Ar- kansas last year continued about the same as they had been during the twelve months next preceding, as was mentioned in the CYCLOPAE- DIA, for 1868. The General Assembly met again at Little Rock after the holiday recess, and continued its regular sittings till the 10th of April, 1869, when both Houses adj ourned sine die. Within this period, and that of the session held before the holidays, from the lYth of November, 1868, the Legislature transacted a vast amount of business, many important bills, more or less immediately connected with the general in- terests of the people, having been discussed and finally passed. The martial law proclaimed and executed by Governor Clayton in numerous sections of the State, on account of assassinations and other crimes perpetrated mostly on individuals known as Union men, not to mention the frequent acts of open defiance to the law, and resistance offered to civil officers in the exercise of their duty, met with great disapprobation, and com- plaints were made by a large portion of the community throughout the State, especially by the inhabitants of the counties designated as subject to it. In several of these were held mass-meetings, promiscuously attended by per- sons belonging to opposite political parties, without distinction, in order publicly to con- demn all violations of the laws of the State. They engaged to keep the peace themselves and to cause others to keep it within their county, and to assist the officers of the law in suppressing all infractions of it, and bringing the offenders to justice. In some of these counties the most prominent residents met together for the purpose of deprecating the continuance of its enforcement, solemnly pledg- ing themselves to the Executive for the future tranquillity of their county, as well as for the peaceful and ready obedience of their fellow- citizens to the requirements of the civil officers. A meeting for such a purpose was held in Orit- tenden County on January 18, 1869, when the following preamble and resolutions were unani- mously adopted : Whereou, His Excellency, Powell Clayton, Governor of Arkansas, has thought proper to declare martial law in the county of Crittenden, for the purpose of more effectually enforcing the laws of the State ; and, whereas, by order of the Governor, the county of Crittenden has been, and is now, occupied by the Ar- kansas State guards' andj whereas, the occupation by the State guards aforesaid is very expensive, both to the State of Arkansas and county of Crittenden, and has a tendency to disturb all business within the county of Crittenden : now, therefore, we, the citizens of the county, do Raolve, That we, the citizens of the county, whose names are here subscribed, do state upon honor that we have had nothing to do with the organization known as the Ku-klux Klan, directly or indirectly, to our knowledge. Itesolved, That we deprecate the shooting and hang- ing of men without a trial by the proper authorities, and that we do solemnly pledge ourselves to the Governor of the State of Arkansas, if he will move or cause to be moved from the county of Crittenden the Arkansas State guards, to assist the sheriff of the county of Crittenden in enforcing the laws of the State, and in preserving good order in said county. fiesolved. That we pledge ourselves, in order to carry out the above resolutions, that we will sustain and defend each other against all unlawful opposition. Which preamble and resolutions, after being read, were adopted by the meeting without a dissenting voice. The heavy arm of military force and its sum- mary proceedings, however, did not weigh long upon these counties ; and that of Critten- den was the last one from which it was with- drawn. In a message to the Legislature, dated February 6, 1869, the Governor announced " the speedy revocation of martial law in every county in the State, except in the county of Crittenden," wherein a small force would be retained ; and by a subsequent message, under date of March 22d, he informed the General Assembly that *' he had issued a proclamation restoring civil authority in Crittenden County, to take effect upon its receipt by the officer in charge ; also, directing prisoners in charge to be turned over to the civil authorities, and the force there disbanded. He announces that therewith "martial law ceased throughout the State." The vigorous execution of this extraordinary measure, though loudly denounced and in- veighed against by a large portion of the peo- ple and the press, seems to have produced a good effect in checking the perpetration of crimes, previously frequent, and restoring the country to a somewhat normal condition of tranquillity. In the last-cited message the Governor avers, " The counties lately under martial law can now punish desperate charac- ters;" adding, "letters from citizens of all parts of the State bear evidence that quiet, security, and good order, are enjoyed by all classes." This beneficial result may be also inferred from the fact that the General As- sembly, which was in session during the whole time when martial law was in operation, not only made repeated appropriations of money to pay the militia occupying the three districts respectively assigned them for that purpose, but voted public thanks to their commanders, and even passed an act fully indorsing the proclamations and action of the Governor in this respect, as follows: An act to declare valid and conclusive certain procla- mations of the Governor of the State of Arkansas and acts done in pursuance thereof, or of his orders iu the declaration of martial law. SECTION 1. That after the 3d day of November, 1868, and before the first day of May, 1869, respecting martial law, military trials by courts-martial or military com- missions, or the arrest, imprisonment, or trial of per- sons charged with any offences against the State, or any ARKANSAS. 27 resistance to the laws thereof, or as aiders or abettors thereof, or as guilty of any disloyal practice in aid thereof, or of affording aid and comfort to those en- gaged therein, and all proceedings and acts done by the military forces, or had by the courts-martial or military commissions, or arrests, imprisonments, searches, or seizures, made in the premises by any per- son by the authority of the orders or proclamations of the Governor of the State made as aforesaid, or in aid thereof, or otherwise, are hereby approved in all respects, legalized, and made valid to the same extent and with the same effect as if said orders, proclama- tions, and acts, had been issued and made, and said arrests, imprisonments, searches, seizures, proceed- ings, and acts, had been done under the previous express authority and direction of the General Assem- bly of the State of Arkansas, and in pursuance of the laws thereof previously enacted, and expressly authorizing and directing the same to be done ; and no courts of the State of Arkansas shall have or take jurisdiction of, or in any manner review any of the proceedings had, or acts done as aforesaid ; nor shall any person be held to answer in any court of said State for any acts done or omitted to be done, in pur- suance of or in aid of any of said proclamations or' orders, or otherwise, by any of said force or forces within the period aforesaid, and all officers and other persons in the State of Arkansas or who acted in aid thereof, acting in the premises or otherwise, shall be held prima facie to nave been authorized by the Governor of the State : Provided, that nothing herein contained shall be so construed as to prohibit the convening of courts-martial for the trial of persons belonging to the militia or State guards of the State. SEC. 2. This act to take effect from and after its passage. A vast number of residents within the coun- ties under martial law suffered heavy losses on account of its operation, private property of all kinds having been taken away from them for the use of the military force stationed therein, by order of the officer, and in many cases they were violently deprived of it hy the soldiers without authority. In the ahove- cited message of March 22d, the Governor acknowledges, "Evils have resulted to indi- viduals hy the occupancy of counties hy the militia;" and adds, "in some cases unau- thorized bands have robbed and plundered indiscriminately." In justice to those people, therefore, he urged on the Legislature the necessity of establishing " a court of claims to adjudicate demands arising out of the operations of martial law," this court " to sit for a suffi- cient period in each county where martial law existed, and holding a final session at the seat of government, being empowered to examine and adjudicate in reference to all supplies taken by the quartermaster's and subsistence depart- ments, so that those who are properly entitled may receive pay for supplies furnished." This matter, however, had been taken in hand al- ready hy members belonging to both branches of the Legislature, a hill having been intro- duced in the lower House on March 19th, "au- thorizing the Governor to appoint a court of claims to take proof of the indebtedness of the State to citizens for property taken hy the State guards; appropriating for that purpose $50,000 out of the military funds not otherwise appropriated." A similar hill was introduced on the 20th in the Senate, where it passed, with some amendments, on April 8th, by a vote of twelve to three. The House bill, or rather its substitute, appointing, instead of a court to he established hy the Governor, " a committee of the members of the Legislature to audit and adjudicate claims against the State on account of property taken by the militia forces of the State," and appropriating for it " the sum of $200,000," instead of $50,000, was passed on April 9th, the vote being thirty-nine yeas and fifteen nays. The Senate, to whom the passage of the bill was announced hy mes- sage on the same day, took it up on the next before noon, the hour previously fixed by a joint resolution for adjournment, when other bills were sought to be pushed through, and thus it was not finally acted upon. One of the most remarkable enactments made by the General Assembly of Arkansas at the last session was the " funding of the puh- lic State deht," a large proportion of it being of a very extraordinary character. The bill " authorizes and requires the Governor to fund the deht of the State, consisting of the bonds issued by the State to the Real Estate Bank and State banks, by issuing new bonds of the State in lieu of the old honds issued to the said Real Estate and State banks ; " ordaining, that " the amount of the new honds (of $1,000 each, payable in thirty years after date the 1st of January, 1870 and bearing interest at the rate of six per cent, per annum, with coupon-warrants attached) shall he the amount of the old bonds with accrued interest there- on ; said interest to be computed from the time of the last payment of interest upon said old bonds to the date of the issue of the new bonds ; " that is, amount of the old bonds is- sued to the Real Estate Bank, $500,000, in- terest accrued on the same from September 7, 1840, to January 1, 1870, $870,000, making together $1,370,000, and bearing an annual interest to be paid by the State of $82,200. The proposal of this measure excited great op- position both within the halls of the Legisla- ture, and among the people and press through- out the State, the opponents professing their readiness to pay whatever the State owed on any account, but refusing to sanction the pro- posed bill, because, so far as the honds issued to the Real Estate Bank may he concerned, above three-fourths of the debt sought to be funded and imposed upon the State had no existence whatever. The facts connected with the origin and subsequent circumstances of the said bonds were well known, and set down in a decision hy the Supreme Court of Arkansas, as follows : On the 1st of January, 1840, the State issued to the Real Estate Bank, in pursuance of its charter, five hundred bonds for $1,000 each, bearing interest, etc., to be sold at par, for the purpose of procuring bank- ing capital, etc. On the 7th of September, 1840, the cashier of the bank, with the approval of two of the b,ond commissioners, entered into a contract with the North American Trust and Banking Company of New York, by which that company agreed to loan the 28 ARKANSAS. Real Estate Bans: $250,000, upon a pledge or hypoth- ecation of the bonds referred to, which sum was to be advanced by instalments and repaid at stipulated periods, with interest, etc. in pursuance of this con- tract, the bonds were delivered to the North Ameri- can Trust and Banking Company, and it is admitted that the Seal Estate Bank received, through its agents, and appropriated to its use, the sum of $121,- 836.59. No further sum was advanced. About the 1st of December, 1840, the North Amer- ican Trust and Banking Company pledged the same bonds to James Holfora & Co., bankers, of London, for a loan of $325,000. Afterward Holford became the sole owner of the debt, and holder of the bonds so pledged, by transfer from his partner. The North American Trust and Banking Company went into liquidation upon being declared insolvent. Three referees, two counsellors-at-law, and one merchant, were appointed by the Court to ascertain what collat- eral securities had been assigned to secure surns^due from the insolvent company, who, after a laborious investigation, reported that among the collateral secu- rities assigned to Holford by .the Trust Company were the five hundred Arkansas bonds, which they ascertained to be of the actual value of $425,000 on the 1st of October, 1857. "Whence the opponents of the bill inferred, as a self-evident conclusion, that these bonds, be- ing affected by no other debt than the sum of $121,336.59 loaned on them, and interest, what- ever amount above this was now sought to be funded, under the title of State debt, on ac- count of the said bonds, was clearly out of ex- istence ; as the State of Arkansas cannot pos- sibly owe more than that amount to the present holder of the bonds, who is vested with the rights of the lender ; by the same reason by which the Trust and Banking Company itself, if it had not failed, and still held the bonds in its possession, could demand of the Real Estate Bank, or the State, the payment only of the sum it actually advanced on the bonds and interest ; as a pawnee, who gives fifty dollars on a value of one thousand, deposited with him as security, or his successor, cannot ask of the debtor the payment of as much money as the pledge is worth, and interest, but must be content to receive only the fifty dollars which he loaned on it, and interest. Yet the bill funding the public State debt for the whole amount of the said old bonds, and interest thereon since 1840, passed the liouse of Rep- resentatives on April 1st, by a vote of 38 to 18, and the Senate on the 3d, with yeas 13, nays 4 ; and the Governor approved the act on the 6th. The State Board of Education held meet- ings to arrange details for carrying the general school law into effect as soon as practicable, the most beneficial results being anticipated from its execution; though there were some differences of opinion as to the propriety and expediency of establishing separate schools for white and colored children. The Legisla- ture also took commendable interest in this important subject during the last session. Among other provisions made tending to pro- mote general instruction, they adopted a joint resolution, requesting Congress, through the Senators and Representatives of Arkansas at Washington, " to grant the State such aid in lands as will enable it to establish a male and female normal school ; " and passed an act "to donate the property in the city of Arkadelphia, formerly known as the Arkansas Blind Insti- tute, to said city, for the purpose of establish- ing tree high echools." They made " an ap- propriation for the purchase of books for con- victs in the penitentiary." The General Assembly also took steps " to establish the Arkansas Deaf and Mute Insti- tute," by amending the first four sections of an act previously passed for that purpose. In regard to the blind, the Legislature, be- sides passing a general act " for the benefit of blind persons of the State," adopted a joint resolution "to request Congress to grant one hundred sections of land for the benefit of the Blind Institute of Arkansas," and passed an act " making appropriations for the Blind In- stitute, for the years 1869 and 1870, and to supply a deficiency for the year 1868." This establishment, however, seems very well man- aged and in a prosperous condition; its in- mates, both male and female, being success- fully taught and trained up to execute a vari- ety of useful works adapted to their state. Internal improvements, tending to develop and make available the great natural resources of the State, are not neglected by the Govern- ment. The various branches of agriculture are attended to with success, especially the growth of cotton, to the profitable cultivation of which the soil of Arkansas, the river-bot- tom-lands above all, is peculiarly adapted. The crop of this staple in Arkansas, in 1869, was estimated at "nearly 300,000 bales." In order to redeem swamps and overflowed lands, and restore them to cultivation, several acts were passed by the Legislature, "provid- ing for the building and repairing the public levees of the State," and a joint resolution adopted, " requesting Congress to confirm the lands donated to the State by Congress, for the construction of levees and drains." The new public system of levees is considered about the best that could be devised, and represented as being now vigorously prosecuted. The Arkansas Gazette of November 30, 1869, briefly describes it in these words: "A majority of the owners of the land to be reclaimed present their petition to the county commissioner, who lays it before the county court. The county court may reject the petition, and, in case of granting it, it is forwarded to the Superin- tendent of Public Works at Little Rock. The superintendent advertises the contract thirty days, in which to receive bids, and gives the^ work to the lowest bidder, who files an ap- proved bond to the amount of the estimated cost of the work, for the performance of his contract. The State pays the contractors in bonds of the State, due in thirty years, the lands protected to pay interest thereon, being taxed at a valuation of about twenty -five cents an acre, from lists of said lands, contained in ARKANSAS. 29 the original petition of the land-owners and such others as may be added to such list by the county court.' 1 To promote internal improvements, the Gen- eral Assembly made provisions for the regula- tion of trade, and transportation companies, by land or water, and adopted several joint reso- lutions, requesting the Post-Office Department at Washington "to increase the mail service on certain routes of the State," by establishing it on new routes where it had never existed, and reestablishing it on old ones where it had been discontinued. The people of Arkansas, however, seem fully to appreciate the importance of railroads, and are desirous to extend their lines into a general system, this being the quickest mode of bring- ing the distant portions of the State into close communication with one another and with the neighboring States. For this purpose, two acts were passed by the Legislature in the preceding session, approved on July 21 and 23, 1868, re- spectively, and both ratified by the people's suffrage at the general election in November, that year. The first one of these acts, under the title, " An act to aid in the construction of railroads," authorized the loaning the State credit to assist railway companies in construct- ing their lines ; the other, entitled, " An act to provide for a general system of railroad incor- porations," fixes at 850 the aggregate number of miles of road to which the State aid is to be granted, and, for the carrying out its provis- ions, appoints a board of commissioners, who were " empowered to receive applications, and required to designate the lines to which the State aid is to be granted." In the session of 1869, however, this subject was taken up again, a remarkable bill having been introduced in the Senate, discussed and voted for by a ma- jority of its members, whereby, professing to carry out the wish of the people, expressed by their ratifying the act "to aid in the construc- tion of railroads," the Legislature repeals those sections of the other act, equally ratified by the people, which appoints a board of commis- sioners to designate the roads for the award of the State aid, and assumes the exercise of this function itself, by actually designating five dif- ferent lines of road, and granting the State aid, under certain conditions and restrictions, for 850 miles in the aggregate, at the rate of ten and fifteen thousand dollars per mile respec- tively. This bill, involving some ten millions of the State or people's money, was warmly opposed, as being unconstitutional, and there- fore null, because of the already existing law ratified by the people, whose enactments could not be repealed by the Legislature, nor, in this case, by the people themselves, since third par- ties had entered into contract under its pro- visions, and been vested with rights which could not be taken away from them by any legal power. The opponents added the less weighty reason that the provisions of the pro- posed bill were partial and inexpedient, as it loaned the State credit to unimportant, per- haps only imaginary roads, and omitted most important ones, as the Memphis and Little Rock, considered of paramount advantage to the State. The bill passed the Senate on March 11, 1869, by a vote of fourteen to seven; but in the House of Representatives it was not finally acted upon. The banking interest in the State appears to be quite large, considering the number of its population, which is estimated at about 600,000, and in a favorable condition. Taxation in Arkansas is a subject of much complaint by the people, and presses generally heavily, on account both of the high rate of val- uation at which property is assessed, and of the amount levied on it for State, county, and mu- nicipal purposes, though some cities and coun- ties are taxed more than others. An apparently correct idea of this whole subject may be formed from the subjoined statement relative to Pu- laski County : " The people of Pulaski County, and of Little Rock, have been more oppressed by taxation than any county and city in the State. Our property is all assessed fifty per cent, above its cash value ; and, on that valua- tion, in 1868, a tax of more than three per cent, was levied. The present year, the same assessment is continued, and our people are taxed, for State, county, and city purposes, six per cent., the United States taxes increasing it to not less than eight per cent. Last year, the taxes amounted, in Pulaski County, almost to $270,000; this year they will be $500,000, which, to a population of 10,000 souls, white and black, is unprecedented to use no harsher term." The sum of the public expenditures of the State is said by many to be swelling up much faster, and to a greater extent, than her growth can bear or justify. A general appropriation bill was passed by both Houses of the Legisla- ture in the last session, the act fixing both the items of this expenditure, and the amounts per annum to be paid for each during the period of two years. The political excitement in Arkansas last year, as previously? ran high higher, per- haps, and with more violent movements, than in other States of the Union. It is not im- probable that the public disturbances, which provoked the proclamation of martial law in many of its counties in November, 1868, were prompted chiefly by party spirit, and that the manner in which that law was enforced, by those intrusted with its execution, proceeded from the same cause. Between the white and negro residents of the State, however, a recip- rocal good feeling toward each other seems to be cherished. "Within and outside the halls of the Legislature the Republican party is the larger in number and influence, especially be- cause a large proportion of citizens who would probably belong to the Democratic party are disqualified and ineligible according to the provisions of the reconstruction acts ; though 30 ARKANSAS. they are being gradually rehabilitated. At present, the government of Arkansas, in all its departments, civil as well as political, is in the hands of Republicans. A contrariety of sen- timent, however, which had been growing for some time within their own ranks, broke out at last into an open rupture, as appears from the preamble and resolutions unanimously adopted at a meeting held in Little Rock on the 8th of April, 1869, and attended > by eighteen Republican members of the legisla- tive body, both Senators and Representatives, utterly condemning and repudiating the acts as well as the policy of the present State ad- ministration and Legislature, on principle, and inviting their fellow-Republicans to cooperate with them as follows : Whereat, In the bad management _ of our State government under the unwise administration of Governor Powell Clayton, and in the rash, reckless, and improvident legislation of the General Assem- bly, under the control of the Governor and his par- tisans, the Kepublican party of Arkansas has re- ceived wounds, from the effects of which, the most energetic and untiring efforts of its true friends and defenders can alone rescue it, and save it from threatened defeat and overthrow : therefore, Resolved. That, renewing our allegiance to the National Union Kepublican party, and our fidelity and devotion to the true principles and doctrines of that party, as set forth and declared in the platform of the Chicago Convention, we do most solemnly pro- test, in the name of the Republican party and of the people of Arkansas, against all those great errors, abuses and corruptions of the administration, which. have caused so much dissatisfaction and discontent in the party, and brought so much trouble and dis- tress upon the country. Resolved, That while it is needless to specify, in detail, all the numerous acts and measures, so uni- versally known and reprobated, that characterize and make up the policy and administration of the government; yet we deem it proper to enumerate the following among the more prominent causes of complaint : 1. The criminal abuse of power and dereliction of duty on the part of the Governor as commander-in- chief of the militia forces of the State, under the late reign of martial law, whereby that which was in- tended by its friends and advisers as a wise and wholesome measure of safety to the government and safety to the private citizen, has been turned into a means of wrong, crime, and oppression. 2. The criminal and corrupt mismanagement of our great and important railroad interests, whereby a large portion of the State has been entirely ignored and overlooked in the dispensation of " State aid," and nearly all the leading authorized routes of the State been seized upon by an organized " ring" of penniless adventurers under the convenient arrange- ments of a General Incorporation Act passed for that purpose, who, in connection with the board of rail- road commissioners under the control of the chief Executive, have been made the recipients and bene- ficiaries of all the benefits of the " loan bill," by which some thirteen millions of dollars have been awarded. 3. The improvident, not to say corrupt, manage- ment of the funding bill, by which a debt of several millions of dollars, being a portion of the Holford 'laim, which the State neither legally nor morally owes, has been assumed and funded without the authority or consent of the people, and contrary to the constitution of the State. 4. The general spirit of reckless expenditure and extravagant appropriation, which has characterized ARMY, UNITED STATES. the administration of the government in all its de- partments, whereby the annual expenses of the State government, which the representatives of the party promised the people, in their speeches and through their press during the late presidential canvass, should not exceed two or three hundred thousand dol- lars, have run up to the enormous and almost incredi- ble sum of a million and a half dollars per annum. Resolved, That with such a record of improvidence, folly, and crime, to father, it will be utterly impossi- ble for the Kepublican party to maintain itself, or hope for future success : therefore, that as the only means of safety and protection that is left us, we hereby, in the name of the Kepublican party, repu- diate said record and its authors, aiders, and abet- tors ; and, planting ourselves upon the true princi- ples of the platform of the party, we earnestly call upon every true Republican in the State, colored as well as white, to unite and cooperate with us in our fu- ture efforts to save the organization of the party, and preserve the purity and integrity of its principles. On the evening of October 15, 1869, Gov- ernor Clayton made a speech from the steps of the capitol, solemnly declaring the policy which he intended to pursue namely, "favor- ing the earliest possible enfranchisement of the people, and retrenchment and reform in public expenditures." These declarations, received with satisfaction by the people, and applauded by the press generally, produced the effect of blunting the edge of that opposition which had previously existed. The proposed amendment to the Constitu- tion of the United States, known as Article Fifteenth, was ratified by the Legislature of Arkansas in their last session almost unani- mously ; though several members refused their assent to the second section of the said article, which provides that " the Congress shall have Eower to enforce this article by appropriate jgislation," as infringing upon the rights of the individual States. ARMY, UNITED STATES. At the com- mencement of the year the Department of War was under the charge of Major-General J. M. Schofield, and General U. S. Grant was in command of the Army. The latter, on March 4th, became President, and was succeeded in command by Lieutenant-General W. T. Sher- man, who was promoted to the rank of Gen- eral. On March 12th, General John A. Raw- lins became Secretary of War, which post he filled until his death, on September 6th. The President then appointed General Sherman Secretary pro tern., and on November 1st, Gen- eral W. W. Belknap succeeded to the office. For the purpose of military government, the United States are divided into twelve depart- ments and three districts, each of which is under the command of an experienced general officer, who, by law, is invested with all the " powers of the commanding general of an army in the field, and is held responsible for the dis- cipline and maintenance of the troops, the preservation of good order, so far as the mili- tary authority extends, and for the care of all the public property that belongs to the army. These departments, with the commanding offi- cers, are as follows : ARMY, UNITED STATES. 31 Department of Dakota Major-General Han- cock. Department of the Platte Brevet, Major- General Augur. Department of the Missouri Brevet Major- General Sohofield. Department of the Cumberland Brevet Ma- jor-General Oooke. Department of Louisiana Brevet Major- General Mower. Department of Mississippi Brevet Major- General Ames. Department of the South Brevet Major- General Terry. Department of the East Brevet Major-Gen- eral McDowell. Department of the Lakes Brevet Major- General Pope. Department of California Brevet Major- General Ord. Department of Columbia Brevet Major- General Crook. Department of Alaska ~Brevei Major-Gen- eral Davis. The three military districts are Virginia, Brevet Major-General Canby ; Mississippi, Bre- vet Major-General Ames ; Texas, Brevet Major- General Reynolds. The four military divisions of the country, with their commanders, are as follows : Divis- ion of Missouri, Lieutenant-General Sheridan, embracing the departments of Dakota, the Platte, and the Missouri; the division of the South, Major-General Halleck, embracing the States of Kentucky, Tennessee, "West Virginia, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, and North and South Caro- lina; the division of the Atlantic, Major-Gen- eral Meade, embracing the States of Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Wisconsin ; the New- England States, New York, New Jersey, Penn- sylvania, Maryland, Delaware, Virginia, and the District of Columbia; the division of the Pacific, Major-General Thomas, embracing Cali- fornia, Columbia, and Alaska. A further reduction of the forty-five regi- ments of infantry belonging to the peace estab- lishment was made during the year. This was ordered in a clause attached to the general ap- propriation bill passed March 3, 1869, which provided, " That there shall be no new com- missions, no promotions, and no enlistments in any infantry regiment until the total number of infantry regiments is reduced to twenty- five, and the Secretary is hereby directed to consolidate the infantry regiments as rapidly as the requirements of the public service and the reduction of the number of officers will permit." By the same act the period of enlistments was changed from three to five years. The Secretary of "War determined not to wait until the consolidation should be effect- ed by the progress of time, but to make it at once, and on March 10th issued orders for that object. The colonels and field-officers were selected at "Washington and announced in general orders, but the captains and lieu- tenants were selected'by the commanding gen- eral of the department in which the regiments were to serve. Generally the senior officer of each grade was retained. After this consoli- dation there remained 509 unattached officers. All of these were soon assigned to duty, except 156, who were considered as awaiting orders. The maximum of the army at the close of the year was 52,234 enlisted men. Relying upon two-thirds for actual service, the number of men is 34,822. A plan for the reorganiza- tion of the army is proposed by General Sher- man. It retains the present number of regi- ments, which is forty, and allows a maximum of seventy-five privates to each company. This would give for the line of the Army 2,135 com- missioned officers and 42,490 men. Allowing two-thirds as the proportion which can be re- lied on for actual service, it would give 29,750 men. This number is not estimated to be above the necessities of the country. The staff of the army consists of those offi- cers and men who administer to the wants of the military establishments, and are classified as adjutants-general, inspectors-general, bureau of military justice, quartermasters, commis- saries, surgeons, paymasters, and ordnance department, corps of engineers, chief signal- officer, and post-chaplains. In the Adjutant- General's Department nothing of importance has occurred. The results of the inspection service during the past year have been to dis- cover and bring to the notice of the proper authorities the qualifications of officers to fill the positions assigned them ; the condition of troops in regard to discipline, drill, and effi- ciency whether duty has been neglected ; laws, regulations, or orders violated; public property misapplied, lost, or wantonly de- stroyed ; whether there have been extravagant or unnecessary expenditures of public money, stores, or material ; and the personal responsi- bility for all irregularities and abuses, with suggestions for remedial action. Through the agency of this branch of the service there has been continued improvement in the discipline and efficiency of the troops, as well as the pro- motion of a more discriminating and careful regard for the economical application of public money and property. The Bureau of Military Justice has received, reviewed, and registered 14,944 records of mili- tary courts. It has also been charged with the duty of arranging and indexing the im- portant state papers of the late judge advocate and the provost-marshal during the war. The expenditures of the Quartermaster's De- partment have decreased $14,500,000, as com- pared with last year. The number of civilians engaged in the department has been reduced from 10,000 to 4,000 during the year. The scattered condition of the troops increases the expenditures. To this is to be added the pe- culiarly sterile character of the country in which they are kept. The troops are stationed 32 ARMY, UNITED STATES. by companies in posts in the most inhospitable parts of the continent, to which every article of food, forage, clothing, ammunition, etc., must be hauled in wagons, at great cost. A heavy item of expenditure is the cost of fuel and materials for making huts, sometimes at a distance of one or two hundred miles from a place where a growing sapling may be found. A reduction of the estimates to those before the war would make it necessary to withdraw the troops from a large part of the distant Ter- ritories. The railroad companies to whom the materials of the department were sold, at the close of the war, incurred a debt of $7,591,406, which increased, by interest, to $9,000,000. About one-half of this amount has been paid. Suits have been commenced against those not manifesting a disposition to cancel their ob- ligations. The transportation of the depart- ment over the railroads of the country has been made at less than the war rates, and has amounted to $2,253,304. The water trans- portation has cost $1,424,222. Of the former amount $933,166.21 was paid to the Pacific Railroads, one-half being paid in cash, and the other half retained in the Treasury to meet the interest on the bonds guaranteed by the United States. During the year 96,000 persons, 3, TOO animals, and 62,000 tons of stores, have been moved by water, and 60,000 persons, 14,000 animals, and 40,000 tons of stores, by railroad. 27,000 tons of stores have been moved by con- tractors for wagon transportation. The Pacific Railroad has occupied some of the principal routes of former wagon transportation, and has saved the Government much money in supplying the posts along its line. The cloth- ing and equipage on hand at the close of the war has been reduced by sales, but the amount that still remains is estimated at more than $42,000,000 in value. The two most impor- tant depots are the Schuylkill Arsenal and the one at Jefferson ville, Indiana. The number of national cemeteries is seventy-two, and there are three hundred and thirteen local posts and private cemeteries in which soldiers lie buried. The subsistence supplies for the Army have been mainly procured in the large market cities of the country. The average cost of the ration at these markets has been about twenty- three cents. Efforts to procure salt meats on the Pacific coast for troops stationed there have met with great success ; supplies of excel- lent quality have been obtained at favorable prices. Tobacco, at an average monthly value of $19,000, has been furnished to troops at cost prices, and the Freedmen's Bureau has been supplied with stores to the value of nearly $250,000. The issues to Indians at various points have amounted to more than $150,000, and, at the request of the Interior Department, stores valued at $37,500 were issued to destitute Osages and others to prevent starvation during the winter. Under an arrangement between the "War Department and the Department of the Interior, the Indian Department is fur- nished with food for the Indians on several res- ervations on the Missouri River and in the In- dian Territory. There has been paid $27,621.75 as commuta- tion of rations to Union soldiers while prison- ers of war. Claims for supplies furnished the Army during the war, amounting to $2,899,- 806.15, have been received, of which $288,- 033.87 have been allowed, and $2,581,064.13 have been rejected. During the fiscal year 11,907 accounts and returns have been received from various offi- cers, of which 11,787 have been examined and referred to the Third Auditor for final settle- ment. The current expenditures of the Medical Department amounted to $233,561. At Key "West the troops were attacked with yellow fever, but by their prompt removal the ravages of the disease were at once stopped. The number of cases on the sick list during the year was 104,235. The average number con- stantly on the sick report was about 5.5 per cent. The Engineer Department of the Army has charge of the construction of the permanent forts, the improvement of rivers and harbors, with such other duties as are imposed by special laws. A very interesting subject has been under consideration in this Department during the year. It relates to the alterations required in the various forts in consequence of the increased weight of ordnance. Nearly all the sea-coast forts were planned at a time when the eight-inch gun was the heaviest afloat, and before rifled guns came into use. Now, however, that ordnance of the fifteen and twenty inch calibres, throwing a shot over one thousand pounds in weight with a velocity of fifteen hundred feet per second, have come into general use, the problem of resistance is entirely changed. It is believed that casemate forts, no matter how reenforced with iron, are not able to resist these shot, and changes must be made to meet this change of facts. The en- gineer officers have carefully studied this sub- ject and made many most valuable experi- ments. The Board of Engineers in New York has laid down five general propositions for ap- plication to all modifications of the sea-coast forts, viz. : 1. The use of barbette batteries of earth, with deep parapet, and a liberal number of bomb-proof and magazine traverses. 2. The use of the heaviest guns practicable, with carriages admitting of the gun being de : pressed below the parapet for loading. 3. An abundant supply of heavy mortars. 4. The use of torpedoes. 5. Entanglements to hold a fleet long enough for destruction. These propositions seem to fulfil all the conditions required. No foreign army will be likely to attempt a landing on the coast, and a hostile fleet can only endeavor to run by the AEMY, UNITED STATES. 33 forts and lay the cities under contribution. On firm land guns of a heavier calibre can be handled, and with more accuracy of aim than by an enemy afloat. It is also doubtful if any armored ship yet built can long exist within the range of twenty-inch guns, or even of fifteen-inch guns, if skilfully handled. The river and harbor works of the country have progressed as rapidly as the appropriations would permit. In the territory west of the Mississsippi reconnoissances and geographical and geological explorations have been con- tinued, and the geological survey from the jSierra Nevada to the Eocky Mountains com- pleted. All the troops are now supplied with breech- loading small-arms of the best kind. It ap- pears that the experience of the late war has demonstrated that for field-guns the Napoleon twelve-pounder, smooth bore, and the three- inch ordnance rifled gun, are unsurpassed. In respect to heavy coast ordnance there exists a diversity of opinion. Some think that for the heavy sea-coast forts the ten-inch, fifteen-inch, and twenty-inch smooth-bore cast-iron guns for the great mass of fire, wjth mortars of the same calibre, and using the same shot, would be the most useful. A joint committee of Con- gress, appointed to investigate this with other subjects, made a report on ordnance, on March 20th. The conclusions to which their investi- gations led them were as follows : 1. That no more heavy guns should "be purchased for mounting in the fortifications or use on shipboard until such improvements are made in the methods of fabrication as will insure more reliable endurance than has heretofore been exhibited. show it to be unworthy of further confidence. Re- cent improvements in defensive works and armor- plating render heavy rifled guns the most efficient means of attack, and no iystem of fabrication which does not furnish such guns should be adopted or continued. The principle of initial tension, which is the "basis of the Kodman system, appears to be of doubtful utility, as applied by General Rodman, es- pecially for rifled guns. This tension, it is admitted, gradually disappears from the gun with age, and in time is entirely lost. 3. That guns cast solid, in the manner practised in the navy under the direction of Kear-Admiral Dahl- gren, while exhibiting satisfactory endurance as smooth bores with small charges and hollow projec- tiles, have not the requisite strength for rifles of large calibre. This mode of casting seems to be defective in principle, as the tensions inaugurated in cooling have a tendency to aid the powder to rupture the gun. 4. That experiments should be at once conducted for the purpose of ascertaining the real cause of the bursting of heavy guns^ and of determining upon some method of fabrication that will secure uniform endurance. 5. That every encouragement should be given to inventors, and a full and fair trial accorded to all de- vices ofl'ered to the Government that promise a solution of the ordnance problem. 6. That more efficient means for harbor defence should be adopted. The late war demonstrated that sand was the best material for defensive works, and that forts of masonry, such as we have now mainly VOL. ix. 3. A to rely upon for the protection of our seaboard cities, are inefficient to prevent the passage of armored, or even wooden vessels. The destruction of such de- fences is only a question of time to ordinary guns of heavy calibre. It was also demonstrated that forts alone, of whatever character, cannot resist the en- trance to harbors of powerfully-armed ships, if the preponderance of guns ^ on the assailing fleet is sufficient. In the opinion of the committee, ob- structions must be largely relied upon for harbor defence, in connection with properly-constructed fortifications. 7. That no officer of the Army or Navy should be allowed to receive a patent for any article required, or likely to be required, for use in those branches or the public service, or be in any way interested in the manufacture or procurement of such articles. It should be the duty of Congress to recognize by suitable rewards the services of such officers as might make inventions of especial value to the Gov- ernment. 8. That- the Ordnance Department of the Army can be entirely abolished with great advantage as to economy, and without detriment to the good of the service. The duties now performed by officers of that corps could be performed by officers detailed from the artillery service, under the direction of a chief stationed at Washington. In this manner the whole expense of the ordinance establishment would be saved, and artillery officers, who have not only- scientific training, but practical experience, would have a voice in the selection of the guns and ammu- nition they are required to use. This committee declared the present ord- nance system to be a failure, and that the country was without a single rifled gun of large calibre. Instruction in signals has been continued in every department, for the purpose of so diffus- ing a knowledge of the service and distributing apparatus that every officer may have' such information of the duty as may suffice in cas-e of emergency to save life in, or prevent disas- ter to, his command. The signal service has been brought into active use in operations against the Indians on the plains. The organ- ization and development of the field telegraph has received especial attention, and continued tests have been made with portable lines, such as are used with trains in the field. The field telegraph trains are organized in a military form, which requires all movements to be executed at the word of command. An object has been to provide a train so equipped and organized as to enable four portable lines, carried in it, to be erected simultaneously, at about the rate of three miles an hour. The operations of the Freedmen's Bureau have been closed, except the educational and bounty divisions. All the hospitals but two have been closed or transferred to the civil authorities. Of the two, one is about to be closed and the other will remain in the Dis- trict of Columbia. The number of persons which the Bureau has had under its care is 584,178. During the existence of the Bureau about one in two hundred, or one-half of one per cent, of the freed people, have been sup- ported by the Government. The freedmen were advised to make written contracts with their employers, and have the same explained 34 AKMY, UNITED. STATES. and approved by a Bureau officer. In a single State more than fifty thousand such contracts were made. The labor of the freedmen has produced nearly all the food consumed in the South, besides large amounts of rice, sugar, and tobacco for exportation, and about two million bales of cotton per year, on which were paid into the United States Treasury, during the years 1866 and 1867, taxes amount- ing to more than forty million dollars. Much disappointment and ill feeling were caused by the failure of the original plan to lease or sell the abandoned lands in small tracts to refugees and freedmen. Information has been published respecting lands under the homestead act of June 21, 1866, and some aid given to those who desired to enter them. Attention is beginning to turn in that direc- tion, and about four thousand families have already made entries and obtained homes of their own. In a few instances freedmen have united in the purchase of farms under cultiva- tion. They are anxious to become land- owners. More attention has been given to their edu- cation than to any subject respecting them. In each State at least one normal school has been organized. Several chartered colleges for freed people are in operation ; also a university in the District of Columbia. In the 2,118 schools under the care of the Bureau, and officially re- ported, the number of teachers employed is 2,455, and the number of pupils is 114,522. Adding those estimated in private and Sab- bath schools, the number under instruction of some "kind during the last year was not less than 250,000. The freed people have, during the last year, paid for tuition and the construc- tion of buildings about $200,000. The whole amount of bounties paid since April 17, 1867, when the first treasury certifi- cate was received, is $5,831,417.89. The bal- ance on deposit now due to claimants is $1,- 220,066.52. Three thousand three hundred and eleven applications for bounty are now under examination in this office, and 18,000 such claims are now on file in. the Second Auditor's office awaiting settlement, and it is believed that about twenty-five thousand claims of this kind remain to be presented. The work of paying bounties to freedmen is, therefore, not yet complete. The expenses of the Bureau were met the first year with the proceeds of rents, sales of crops, school taxes and tuition, and sale of Confederate States property. The amount re- ceived from all these miscellaneous sources was $1,865,645.80, and from appropriations by Congress since July, 1866, $11,084,750, making a total of $12,950,395.80 received from all sources. The expenditures, including the ac- counts of the "Department of Negro Affairs," from June 1, 1865, to August 31, 1869, have been $11,194,028.10. In addition to this, subsistence, medical sup- plies, and quartermasters' supplies, were ex- pended, amounting in cash to $2,330,788.72, but whose real value when transferred to the Bureau was probably less than one million dol- dars. Adding their original cost to the cash expended, the total expenses of the Bureau have been $13,524,816.82. It seems* that the Board of Visitors to the Military Academy thought that an entire re- organization of that institution should be made, as in its present condition it was inadequate to meet the future demands of the country. They recommended that the institution should be enlarged, the number of cadets greatly in- creased, the standard of admission be raised, and the cadets be divided into two classes, one pursuing an ordinary course of military in- struction and its members returned to civil life upon graduation, to spread a knowledge of the military art throughout the land, and sup- ply trained officers for the emergencies of war ; the other, selected from the promising mem- bers of the former class, and equal in number only to the yearly wants of the Army, to pur- sue their studies and practice to the very lim- its of military science. These recommendations would doubtless be much modified by those of practical officers. The actual expenditures of the Army for the fiscal year were, including the Freedmen's Bureau, $56,761,732. To this must be added, for old war debts paid, $23,882,310, making the total $80,644,042. Of this amount there was expended for reconstruction purposes, $406,419. It is manifest that the military admin- istration of the Army has been effective and its discipline unimpaired. The duties devolving upon the commanders of the three military dis- tricts of Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas have been performed under many embarrassments, with fidelity and good judgment. Of the pensioned widows of soldiers in the Revolutionary War there,survive : One of those married prior to 1783, 54 of those married between 1783 and 1794, 38 of those married between 1794 and 1800, and 795 of those mar- ried since 1800 887 in all, and only one less than the preceding year. There are on the rolls the names of 1,293 widows and children of soldiers who served in the wars subsequent to the Eevolution and prior to that of 1861 a decrease of five since the last annual report. The number of invalid pen- sioners who served in said wars is 2,350. During the past year there were examined and allowed 7,120 new applications for invalid pen- sions of soldiers, at an aggregate annual rate of $468,144, and 2,908 applications for increased pension of invalid soldiers, at an annual aggre- gate rate of $164,798. During the same period 15,695 original pensions to widows, orphans, and dependent relatives of soldiers, were al- lowed, at an aggregate annual rate of $1,577,- 281 ; and 11,998 applications by the same class for increased pay were also admitted, at a total annual rate of $784,549. On the 30th June, 1869, there were on the rolls 81,579 in- AEMY, UNITED STATES. 35 valid military pensioners, whose yearly pen- sions amounted to $7,362,804, and 103,546 widows, orphans, and dependent relatives of soldiers, whose yearly pensions amounted to $13,567,679, making the total aggregate of army pensioners 185,125, at a total annual rate of $20,930,483. The whole amount paid during the last fiscal year to invalid military pensioners was $9,383,715, to widows, orphans, and de- pendent relatives, $18,609,153 a grand total of $27,992,868, which includes the expenses of the disbursing agencies. With regard to the Indian tribes of the West, no permanent policy has yet been established, They have generally remained peaceful during the year. The completion of one of the great lines of railway to the Pacific coast has totally changed the conditions under which the civilized popu- lation of the country come in contact with the wild tribes. Instead of a slowly advancing tide of migration, making its gradual inroads upon the circumference of the great interior wilderness, the very centre of the desert has been pierced. Every station upon the railway has become a nucleus for a civilized settlement, and a base from which lines of exploration for both mineral and agricultural wealth are pushed in every direction. Daily trains are carrying thousands of citizens and untold values of merchandise across the continent, and must be protected from the danger of having hostile tribes on either side of the route. The range of the buffalo is being rapidly restricted, and the chase is becoming an uncertain reliance to the Indian for the sustenance of his family. If he is in want he will rob, as white men do in the like circumstances, and robbery is but the beginning of war, in which savage barbari- ties and retaliations soon cause a cry of exter- mination to be raised along the whole frontier. It has long been the policy of the Government to require of the tribes most nearly in contact with white settlements that they should fix their abode upon definite reservations, and abandon the wandering life to which they had been accustomed. To encourage them in civ- ilization, large expenditures have been made in furnishing them with the means of agriculture and with clothing adapted to their new mode of life. A new policy is not so much needed as an enlarged and more enlightened application of the general principles of the old one. This policy looks to two objects : First, the loca- tion of the Indians upon fixed reservations, so that the pioneers and settlers may be freed from the terrors of wandering hostile tribes; and, second, an earnest effort at their civiliza- tion, so that they may themselves be elevated in the scale of humanity, and our obligation to them as fellow-men be discharged. In carrying out this policy, a great practical difficulty has arisen from the fact that in most instances a separate reservation was given to each tribe. These reservations have been surrounded and gradually invaded by the white settlers, and the Indians crowded out of their homes and forced to negotiate for a new settlement, because their presence, their habits, and their manners, were distasteful to their new and more powerful neighbors. The Indians north of the Platte River are not yet prepared for a similar concentration ; but the time cannot be far distant when two or three principal Indian territories may properly embrace all the tribes east of the Rocky Mountains. The same policy of concentrating the tribes will apply to the country west of the Rocky Mountains, and will be equally necessary whenever and. wherever the feuds existing among them can be so far settled that they can live together in peaceful neighborhood. In the recent organization of the Indian Bureau itself it was deemed advisable to de- part from the usual mode of selecting and ap- pointing the superintendents and agents. The tribes in Nebraska and Kansas, and some of those most recently placed upon reservations in the Indian territory, were placed under control of the members of the Society of Friends ; the others were given in charge of military officers, who were waiting orders under the laws for the reduction of the Army. These sweeping changes were made because it was believed that the public opinion of the country demanded a radical reorganization of this branch of the service. The selection of the officers of the Army was made partly for economical reasons, as they were on pay though not on duty, and the salaries of many civil officers could thus be saved ; and partly because it was believed they furnished a corps of public servants whose integrity and faithfulness could be relied upon, and in whom the public were prepared to have confidence. The Friends were appointed not because they were believed to have any monopoly of honesty or of good- will toward the Indians, but because their selection would of itself be under- stood by the country to indicate the policy adopted, namely the sincere cultivation of peaceful relations with the tribes, and the choice of agents who did not, for personal profit, seek the service, but were sought for it because they were at least deemed fit for its duties. The two yearly meetings of "Friends" were asked to select men in whom they had confidence, and who might become at once the business agents of the Government and zealous missionaries of civilization. The persons so selected were appointed, and, although it was somewhat late in the season when they were sent to their posts, enough has been seen of their labors to make it certain that the mode of selection was not a mistake. It is due to these societies to say that they have at their own cost sent officers of their own body to in- spect the work of the agents as far as it aimed at the civilization and instruction of the In- 36 ASIA. dians. The moral support and encouragement thus given to the agents must be valuable. In accordance with the same general plan of bringing moral influences to bear upon the conduct of Indian affairs, the present Congress authorized the President to appoint a commis- sion of philanthropic citizens to serve without pay in such supervisory and visitorial duty as might be assigned to them. No difficulty was found in securing the services of men of the highest character and known benevolence. By an Executive order they were authorized to in- spect all the accounts and records of the Bureau, to be present at the purchases of Indian goods, and advise as to the conduct of the same, and visit and inspect the tribes in their res- ervations, and examine the business of all the agencies. The officers of the department were also directed to give respectful heed to the suggestions and reports of the commission. No direct responsibility, either pecuniary or administrative, was put upon the commission, because it was believed that their usefulness would not be increased thereby. They now constitute an entirely disinterested body of in- telligent advisers, with full power to throw the light of the most searching scrutiny upon the conduct of our relations with the Indiana, and to give the public, through their reports, the most reliable knowledge of the condition and progress of the several tribes. ASIA. During the year 1869, no territorial changes have taken place in Asia ; but a change of vast importance, and which must affect the destinies of this whole division of the world, is irrepressibly drawing near. The indepen- dence of the powerless States in Central Asia must sooner or later come to an end. They, even now, live entirely upon the mercy of Russia and England. What remains to be de- cided is, whether they shall fall to the one or the otljer of these States ; and this constitutes the Central Asian question, which is fast grow- ing to be one of the foremost political ques- tions of our age. Central Asia would make a very large addition to the Kussian Empire; and, as the powerful Kussians will, in the course of time, have no difficulty in absorbing these uncivilized and comparatively small tribes into the compact Russian nationality, both in Russia and in England, the develop- ment of the Central Asian question is studied with intense interest. Some, as Grant Duff, the English Under-Secretary for India, believe that the continuance of peace between the two great European rivals in Central Asia is for the present sufficiently secured by the cir- cumstance that an almost inaccessible tract of land, of nearly 800 miles, still constitutes an insurmountable wall of separation between the new Russian conquests and India. Others, however, show that Russia, having now exclu- sive possession of the Caspian Sea, the Aral Sea, and ^ Oxus, could carry out aggressive de- against India in a much easier way than by a march through Central Asia. Steamships could carry a large Russian force to Affghanis- tan and only the possession of, or, what would be equal to it, the protectorate over, the northern part of Afghanistan, or the territory of Cabul, would be required for the Russians, to reach the northwestern frontier of British India. It will be seen, therefore, that Afghanistan is becoming a country of considerable interest, and we have, on that account, deemed it best to include Afghanistan in the list of important countries which are the subjects of special articles in this volume of the AMEEICAN AN- NUAL CYCLOPAEDIA. (See RUSSIA ; AFFGHANIS- TAN.) None of the Asiatic countries have during the year been the scene of such momentous inter- nal changes as Japan. The long struggle be- tween the Mikado on the one hand, and the Tycoon and the northern Daimios on the other, is at an end. A Parliament has met for the first time, which, though it consisted merely of princes and nobles, has yet introduced Japan into the number of constitutional monarchies. The Japanese have again made remarkable progress in the reorganization of their army, and of public instruction. The number of young men who are pursuing their studies in the United States and in Europe is increasing, and emigration is bringing large numbers of the people into close contact with foreign na- tions. The Chinese Government has not verified the sinister predictions that it would reject the Burlingame treaties, and only try to hoodwink the Governments of the United States and of Europe. Toward the close of the year, the treaties were formally ratified in Pekin, and the relations with foreign powers were as ami- cable as they had been at any previous period. A large class of the population were hostile to foreigners and Christians, and a number of missionaries were cruelly massacred ; but the Government on every occasion showed an earnest desire to conform to the treaties, and to remain on good terms with the treaty powers. (See CHINA.) A serious difficulty arose between the two great representatives of Asiatic Mohammedan- ism, Turkey and Persia, concerning the regu- lation of the frontier. For a time, a great war appeared to be inevitable, and, as Russia was reported to sympathize strongly with Persia, it was even anticipated that through this con- flict the Eastern question might enter a new stage. These anticipations were, however, not fulfilled, and the difficulty was for the present amicably settled. (See PEESIA.) The opening of the Suez Canal will largely increase the commerce of southwestern and southern Asia, and thus probably awaken a new life in the countries of these regions. The vast projects of railroads and telegraph lines which have for several years beeen under con- sideration, or in the course of progress, and which are to connect the Asiatic countries with Europe and with each other, must thus ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. receive anew impetus, while the commerce of eastern Asia with western America is rapidly developing under the influence of the regular steamboat connection through the Pacific. The combination of so many vivifying influences causes the beginning of an entirely new era in the history of Asia, and, as Asia is the largest and by far the most populous among the great divisions of the world, it cannot fail, even to a large extent, to give to the world's history a new aspect. Thus far the colonies of England and France in India lead the van in this new period of peaceful progress. Both have enjoyed a peace- ful year, and made new progress in commerce, general prosperity, and especially in point of education. ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. The Total Eclipse of 1869. The novel and interesting discoveries made by observers particularly those at the spectro- scope on the occasion of the August eclipse of 1868 (see AMERICAN CYCLOPJSDIA of that year), created an unusual scientific curiosity with regard to the total eclipse which was to occur August V, 1869, and which would be visible, in its totality, throughout a long and well-populated tract of the United States. The line of total obscuration entered the North American Continent at Behring's Straits, about the 65th degree of latitude, longitude 90 west of Washington, and left at the Atlantic shore in latitude 34 and the meridian of Washing- ton itself, passing through Alaska, Iowa, Illi- nois, Kentucky, West Virginia, North Caro- lina, and other States. Congress appropriated a sufficient sum to enable observations to be taken by the superintendent of the Nautical Almanac (Professor Coffin); and the Navy, War, and Coast Survey Departments extend- ed liberal aid to the same object, and sent out scientific parties to the points most favorable for witnessing the phenomenon. Professor Coffin fitted out expeditions for Burlington, Mount Pleasant, and Ottumwa, Iowa, along the central line of totality. The Coast Survey had parties in Alaska, at Des Moines, Iowa, Spring- field, Illinois, and Abingdon, West Virginia. The Navy Department was represented at a station on the western shore of Behring's Straits, and the War Department detailed Dr. Curtis to take photographs of the eclipse at Des Moines. The principal colleges and ob- servatories in the country sent their profess- ors of astronomy, and spectroscopic and me- teorological experts, to points on the line. At no one time in this country has so large an amount of astronomical and mathematical talent been concentrated upon the examina- tion of a celestial phenomenon. At Des Moines, Iowa, a series of very suc- cessful observations was taken by the Gov- ernment parties and expeditions from several American colleges. The sky was unclouded, though a slight haze prevented a satisfactory search for the supposed mtra-Mercurial planets. According to Professor T. H. Safford, of Chica- go, the first contact occurred at 8 h 43 m 43" ; the commencement of the total obscurity at 4 h 45 m 30 s ; the end of the totality at 5 h 48 m 22" ; the last contact at 5 h 45 ra 11' those points of time being from 6* to 22' later than calculated at Washington. The total obscuration lasted 2 m 52|". The corona proper assumed a py- ramidal shape, extending toward the northeast (taking the zenith as north), having a breadth of about 25 of the moon's disk, and 3 digits deep. On the west side was one of similar size and shape. On the east side was a mass of light 50 at the base and 3 digits deep, but not so brilliant as the opposite one. On the north the corona was about 30 wide, and 3 to 4 digits high. The masses seemed to consist of thin streaks of light radiating from the central direction, and lying on a less brilliant background, while the lengths of the contigu- ous rays were widely different, giving the outline of the perimeter a jagged appearance. Says the correspondent of the Chicago Tri- bune : The most deficient part of the corona was on the southeastern quarter, where it averaged not more than two-thirds of the other, and was badly broken. It is remarkable that this part was the scene of a long line of rose-colored protuberances, which stood out like a string of beads from the moon's disk, and pos- sibly caused an optical shortening in the coronal rays, though it is not impossible that the convulsion in the photosphere produced by these glowing masses caused a surging over of the photosphere, while it is also not improbable that the greater number of these protuberances than usual caused the outline of the corona to be more jagged than had been antici- pated from the descriptions of previous eclipses. The apparent motion of the corona with the sun was very marked, that on the west side increasing in breadth", while the eastern side lessened as the total phase ad- vanced. The corona burst on the vision like a flash of glory on the instant of total obscuration, and de- parted like a vision of the night when the first faint thread of light shone out on the western limb. Some observers thought they saw the corona for a second or two before the total eclipse, but this was probably due to the haze in the atmosphere. The protuberances were grand. The ocular obser- vations of these made by Professor Hilgard's brother were the best. From the lowest point of the disk a large, rosy patch shot out at the instant of totality, extending 16 and protruding half a digit, or 35,000 miles. From the middle of this protruded a pendu- lous mass of about 100,000 miles long, and 20,000 wide, which seemed to divide into three narrow strips. The upper mass was of a deeper rose tint than either of the other protuberances, and is described by Hilger as nebulous in structure, almost like a cirrus cloud, and shaped like a bird's wing underlaid by a fleshy tumor, the fleshy substance being something like a flying pile of down, illumi- nated with a pink light, or pink-rose color. Due east was another protuberance, paler and about 5 on the base, perhaps 20,000 miles high. Ten degrees be- low this was another like it in size and color, both masses being nearly rectangular. These two disap- peared near the middle of totality, and then three smaller ones sprung up on the west side, one due west, another 60 below it, and the third midway between them. The one on the southwest was nebu- lar, and rose out as a thin stem 10,000 miles high, from which sprung out two long streaks like an an- telope's horns, some 10 in length from tip to tip. The large one first described appeared from first to 38 ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. last of totality, and sensibly changed its form and brilliancy, as n in violent commotion. It seemed to the writer like a huge dense beacon-fire on a distant hill-top, shorn of Its tongues of name, and seen through an inverting telescope. There were^ sev- eral variations of light and shade perceptible in ^ its breadth. In depth it varied only in intensity, being slightly faintest toward the horizon. A correspondent of the Chicago Times, writ- ing from Des Moines, remarks that Professor N. A. Rogers took a measurement, hy means of the micrometer, of the largest colored pro- tuberance, and estimates its greatest extension at 38,000 miles. It seemed to grow up to that height in a moment of time, like a flame, from about hall* the size at first. At its base was a mass tinged a crimson color, and like cumulous clouds in composition. Along the southeastern side of the sun, just before any portion of his disk appeared after total eclipse, a long and low line of crimson protuberances appeared, which was dissipated by the full blaze of the crescent sun a moment afterward. Dr. Peters made a spectrum analysis, and found in all the five protuberances the red, blue, and violet lines, which indicate hydrogen in a state of high temperature. He discovered also the double yellow lines that indicate sodium. In addition to these, the spectrum showed green lines and other shades of color, indica- tive of still other metallic elements in the sun's atmosphere, which are common to the earth. Dr. Peters was of opinion that the observations taken will throw much light upon the prob- lems of the sun's constitution, and the sources of his light and heat. So far as the hydrogen lines of the spectroscope are concerned, his observations verify those made by Rayet and Herschel during the eclipse last year in India. Professors Rogers and Hall directed their at- tention just before and after the total eclipse to the solution of the question of a lunar atmos- phere. They acted upon the hypothesis that, if there was such an atmosphere, the ends of the sun's crescent just before and after totality would have been partially obscured by coming in contact with the moon's atmosphere. These observers found no such phenomena, the cusps being well defined and sharp throughout. Hence they draw the deduction that the moon is devoid of an atmosphere. The Naval Observatory party at Des Moines succeeded in taking 123 photographs of the eclipse, two being of the totality. They ap- plied the spectrum analysis to five prominences, no two of which were found to give the same lines. No absorption lines were visible in the spectrum of the corona ; it gave a continuous spectrum with but one bright line. Professor Harkness conducted this branch of the obser- vations. The thermometer, as observed by Professor Eastman, showed a fall of 13 dur- ing the progress of the eclipse. Professor Newcomb searched, with two six- inch object-glasses, for intra-Mercurial planets, but none were visible. Venus and Mercury appeared distinctly to the naked eye. Professor C. A. Young, of Dartmouth Col- lege, who was with the Nautical Almanac party at Burlington, Iowa, submitted two re- ports of his observations to the American As- sociation, in August, the substance of which he afterward furnished to the American Journal of Science. The following are the most im- portant parts of the paper : The spectroscopic combination employed was com- piled for the occasion from various instruments be- longing to Dartmouth College, and diifered so much in the relative proportion and arrangement of its parts from those hitherto "used, that a brief descrip- tion is perhaps necessary. f The telescope which formed the solar image was a comet-seeker by Merz & Son, of 4 inches aperture and 30 inches focal length. An ordinary Huyghenian eye-piece enlarged the image so that, when it fell upon the slit of the spectroscope at a distance of 5 inches, it was 2i inches in diameter. The use of an eye- piece gave an easy means for securing the accurate focus of the limb at the slit, an adjustment of great importance. The spectroscope proper had telescopes of 2i inches aperture and 16* focal length (by Alvan Clark). The eye-telescope was provided with an eye- piece magnifying 18 times, and a wire micrometer, constructed from a reading microscope, for determin- ing the position of any new lines in the spectrum by referring them to those already known. This, al- though a very accurate method, was too slow to be well adapted to eclipse observations, but was the only arrangement I could construct with the time and means at my command. The collimator had a slit i of an inch long and of adjustable width. It was provided with a small prism, which could be turned up so as to throw into half the slit light from an electric spark formed be- tween platinum electrodes by a small induction coil and Leyden jar. It also carried a thin brass disk about 2 inches in diameter, placed in front of the slit, with a hole of i of an inch in the centre. This disk was covered with white paper and graduated into sectors of 10 by lines radiating from the centre. This graduated screen, upon which the image of the sun was clearly visible even during the totality, answered the purpose of a finder, and its graduation furnished the means of de- termining within less than 3 the position of any ob- ject observed on the sun's limb, or of bringing any desired portion of the limb to the slit. The spectrum was formed by a train of 5 prisms of 45 each, with faces 2* by 3i inches. They gave a dispersion of about 18 between A and H, with a total deviation of about 165 for the D line. The box which contained them was so connected by a link with the arm which carried the ey^e-telescope, that whenever the latter was moved by its tangent-screw along the spectrum the prism-box would turn through an angle just half as great. Thus the prisms were kept in the position of best definition for whatever lines were in the middle of the field of view, the ex- tent of which was sufficient to embrace D and E to- gether. The telescope and spectroscope proper were firmly secured to a wooden framework, and this was mount- ed equatorially, with slow-motion screws in both right ascension and decimation. The spectrum was about II inches broad (referred to a distance of 10 inches) and about 45 long. It showed all the lines on KirchofFs maps of the spec- trum ; such lines as the nickel line between D x and D 2 being perfectly distinct. Having arranged my instrument with the computed point of contact across the centre of the slit, I had the unspeakable gratification of seeing every thing take place as expected. First, a full hair-minute be- fore the time of contact, the sharp point of the needle was truncated by the dark edge of the moon, then it ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. 39 grew steadily shorter (not less brilliant what remained of it), until finally its last spark vanished, the C line became exactly like its neighbors, and the contact was effected. The observation was as easy and definite as ^that of the transit of a moderately slow star. I am confi- dent the observation may bo relied upon within a frac- tion of a second, although it was from 5 to 15 seconds earlier than the time assigned by any of the other ob- servers. I am informed by Professor Mayer, however, who had charge of the photographic operations of our party, that it agrees within one-third of a second with the time deduced from a preliminary measurement of a photograph taken about 15 seconds after the con- tact was announced. "With an instrument of sufiicient dispersive power, the slit might be opened somewhat widely, and placed tangent tol;he sun's limb. In this case a slight error in the estimated point of contact would not interfere with the accuracy of the observation. I wish to call attention to the applicability of this method at the coming transits or Venus. It is not possible, perhaps, to predict just how great will be the effect of her atmosphere: but it is difficult to see in what respects this method will suffer from it more than any other. It certainly presents this great ad- vantage, that the observer will perceive and watch the planet's approach long before the instant to be observed, and thus have all the benefit of prepara- tion. It seems likely also that the instant of internal con- tact will be more easily seized with the spectroscope than with any other instrument. Instead of the rup- ture of a black ligament, it ought to show the sudden formation of a brilliant line running the whole length of a before dusky spectrum, a phenomenon much more striking than the other. While the moon was advancing upon the sun, spe- cial attention was paid to the appearance of the spec- trum lines near her limb. They came up to the edge perfectly square and straight, even when the limb made an angle of only 5 or 6 with the slit ; and the longitudinal line of demarcation, before re- ferred to, between the brilliant and dusky portions of the spectrum, was hard and sharp, in striking con- trast with the effect of the sun's limb, which, under similar circumstances, always gives a boundary more or less hazy arid indefinite, and this to a degree con- tinually changing from minute to minute. This con- trast was beautifully exhibited a few seconds before the totality, when the limbs of both sun and moon were on the spectrum together, the width of the visi- ble portion of the sun having become less than the length of the slit. It was at first thought that this appearance was decisive against the existence of a lunar atmosphere, however rare ; but a little consider- ation shows that on the other hand it is, if any thing, favorable, being a simple consequence of that bright- ening of the sun's disk near the moon's limb which is so beautifully evident upon the photographs ; and which is most easily accounted for by admitting a slight refraction suffered by that portion of the sun- light which grazes the moon. Possibly, however, it ma y yet be explained as a case of simple inflection of light. Before the eclipse began, the existence of promi- nences on the limb of the sun had been ascertained in the following positions (reckoning from the north point through the east). A large but faint one near + 90, a small but bright one at +146 (the photo- graphs show two here), a long low one at -70 , very near the point of first contact, and an enormous and very bright one at -130, with several others of small elevation, but considerable length, on different parts of the limb. In his examination of the prominences Pro- fessor Young observed 9 bright lines, the most remarkable of which were 0. F. and an orange line. A faint continuous spectrum, without any traces of dark lines in it, was also visible, evidently due to the corona. Its light, tested by a tourmaline applied next the eye, proved to be very strongly polarized in a plane passing through the centre of the sun. I am not sure, however, but that this polarization, as sug- gested by Professor Pickering, may have been pro- duced by the successive relractions through the prisms. This explanation at once removes the diffi- culty otherwise arising from the absence of dark lines. My observations decide nothing as to specific dif- ferences between the different protuberances^ since, from the smallness of my field of view, I was obliged to observe a portion of the spectrum on one of the prominences and the rest on another. In conclusion,. Professor Young remarks that, at present, it seems pretty likely that the spectra of the corona and the aurora borealis are identical, with only such differences as we might naturally expect, and that very probably the identity extends to the essential nature of the phenomena themselves. With reference to the iron line observed in the spectrum, he says it will he of interest to inquire whether we are to admit the existence of iron vapors in and above our atmosphere, or whether in the spec- trum of iron this line owes its presence to some foreign substance probably some occluded gas, as yet unknown, and perhaps standing in relation to the magnetic powers of that metal. Professor Edward 0. Pickering, who was also with the Nautical Almanac party at Burling- ton, sends the result of his observations to the Philosophical Magazine. He says that, in examining the photographs taken by the party, it was noticed that, while the light diminished near the edge of the sun, the moon's limb was very distinct, and that there was a marked increase in the light of the parts nearest it. The best explanation of this phenomenon the author thinks is to assume the presence of a lunar atmosphere. The corona would then be caused by refraction of light reaching the ob- server from parts of the sun already eclipsed. This hypothesis is strengthened by other ob- servations. The protuberances have often seemed to indent the moon's edge, an appear- ance usually ascribed to irradiation. An at- mosphere of rapidly-increasing density might produce this effect by reflection, and of course would not influence the corona if it was caused by refraction. The principal reason for sup- posing the corona a portion of the sun is, that, during totality, it does not appear to move with the moon, but remains concentric with the sun, or, more properly, is brightest where the sun's edge is nearest. Many of the photo- graphs show this very well, the difference on the two opposite sides of the moon being very marked. This effect could be explained equal- ly well by supposing the corona caused by refraction. For the centres of the sun and moon never differ during totality by more than half a digit, while the breadth of the corona is sometimes several times as much; so that merely covering a small portion of it would not produce a greater diminution of 40 ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. through _ hand it is difficult to conceive of an atmos- phere dense enough to produce these effects, und yet so transparent that the edges of the utes later the next picture was taken. No change the temperature. Third, fourth, and fifth at three, four, and five minutes apart. No change still in the appearance of the earth, no tailing yet full moon are perfectly distinct, and that the O f tn e temperature. Sixth picture forty-nine minutes of the sun during an eclipse should be 1, D116 lUilitgt? gitH-4.Llt*AAjr WWA*. ** ^vwv****-.* ** v ^ .. *- vu gives only negative results, and cannot be r difflcult to describe. It seemed as though they carded as proving that the light is reflected. em i tte a light that had been stored within. v ^ "- KTevidence of the spectroscope needs con- light was not like any other that we - firmation, since the dark lines may have been invisible owing to the feeble light of the corona. But, if the spectroscopic observations were correct, the self-luminous character of the co- rona is established ; and the thermometric and actinic experiments point toward a lunar at- mosphere as the cause of the corona. The ab- sence of a lunar atmosphere is so generally ^ ~^ oc ~ k O f foraging geese now marched by, home- admitted that the author suggests its existence W ard bound, and evidently*wondering at the short- ness of these degenerate days. A ghastliness rested upon the faces of our corps of operators. Pictures were then taken at intervals of two and one minutes,_ at which time the crescentic margin of the sun, remain- ing unobscured, was but a tenuous line, passing one- , and a falling of one degree in temperature. foliage gradually took a peculiar hue, which is Ti seemed as though they Yet the seen. It* had "a peculiar bronze-like, lurid tint, that was weird-like and ghostly. Next picture, four minutes later ; growing, darker ; birds here seemed agitated, and acted as though they had made a mistake in time ; swallows began to col- lect in flocks. Six more pictures were taken in nine- teen minutes, and darkness still growing on the earth. Four minutes later, and sixteen after five ? the thermometer fell to 72, and stars became visible. , only with reluctance, and as the most natural explanation of the phenomena observed. Professor C. F. Himes reports some interest- ing facts about meteoric appearances seen dur- ing the eclipse. He says that Mr. Zeutmayer, third or one-fourth around the sun. Forty-five sec- examining the ground glass of the camera onds, and the eclipse is total, and another exposure .> .,:*: rtT1 n f is made. A flaming orange and red corona was me to time, to notice the position of the image of the sun, called the author's atten- tion to small luminous bodies like meteors, which were crossing the dark image of the moon from cusp to cusp. Subsequently, they were seen to pass over from outside of the field on to the image of the sun, where, of course, they were lost, always coming from the same side. The observers were led by this circumstance to regard them as most likely to be optical illusions, perhaps insects with trans- parent wings or bodies ; but the fact, that ob- servers at other places report a shower of me- teors during the eclipse, between the moon and the earth, which seemed to be identical in their appearance with those observed by the author, leads Professor Himes to suppose that the objects seen by Mr. Zeutmayer and him- self may have been meteors. At any rate, he concludes that the apparition was caused by objects not less than two thousand feet distant. Dr. J. Gardiner contributes to the Cincinnati Gazette an interesting account of his experi- ences in photographing the eclipse at Bedford, Ind. He had made careful preparations for the occasion, and had the assistance of a compe- tent corps of photographic artists. Some of the results of the observations are thus de- scribed : made. A flaming orange and red corona was visible about the margin of the moon, shooting its rays out seemingly a distance equal to hall' the diam- eter of the sun. The whole face of the moon had a dusky hue, like old copper, and was visibly globe- shaped. The scene was awfully sublime, and pro- duced a sensation similar to that which I have felt in witnessing a great battle. Chimney-swallows circled in the air above the court-house in a dense column, several hundred feet in height. A sudden rush of wind marked the moment of totality, and one ther- mometer in the open air showed a falling of 5; another, attached to the shady side of a dead tree standing in the sunshine, showed a variation of 14 in the course of an hour. Birds went to roost ; domestic fowls retired to their perches, and a premature darkness a darkness dif- ferent from that of any other gave the earth a more sombre mantle than that of night. Two more pictures were attempted at intervals of a minute each, and then a line of the sun's margin emerged, and light once more flooded the face of the earth. A cheer ran out along the street, and the sublimest spectacle of the generation was drawing to a close. During the time of the greatest obscuration a bright bead-like body was observed at the right lower limb of the sun, which sent out a fan-shaped, fiery tail equal to one-third of the breadth of the sun itself. This part was all we succeeded in getting photographed during totality. We hope that a future examination of the enlarged prints will show it to be of more value to science than if we had succeeded in getting the whole corona. As darkness suddenly shut in the earth like a curtain (during the greatest obscuration), so it flashed out instantaneously into light as the sun emerged. Men's faces looked like the faces of ne- groes, and some amusing mistakes occurred on the streets, by persons thinking others they met were " American citizens of African descent." As the darkness was thickest, the katydids chirped their nocturnal notes, but hushed into silence as soon as Our corps were all in place ready for business ; when, at four o'clock and twenty-one and a half min- utes, contact was observed in the magnified image on the ground glass. A half-minute later the watchino- crowds on the streets caught sight of it, and a low murmur, swelling gradually into a shout, heralded they found that they were " victims of misplaced Up to this time no noticeable change had confidence." Twenty-one pictures were taken, seven- en place in the whole range of nature. At the teen before and during totality, and four after. Two , sign of contact, I called for a plate, which was attempts during the total phase were failures, but one coated at once, sensitized and passed to me. The other gave the bright prominence before described. ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. 41 At Shelbyville, Ky., there were strong dele- gations of scientific observers from different parts of the country. Among those present were Prof. Joseph Winlock, of Harvard Uni- versity; AlvinG. Clark, of Cambridge; Assist- ants George W. Dean and F. Blake, Jr., of the Coast Survey ; J. A. Whipple, of Boston, as- sisted by Messrs. George Clark and J. Pren- dergast, having charge of the photographic business ; Prof. S. M. Searle, of New York, who was to look out for intra-Mercurial planets ; and Prof. Seymour, of Louisville, who watched the meteorological phenomena. Ten or twelve mounted instruments were in use on the occa- sion, the chief of these being the Shelbyville College telescope, which once ranked third in the United States, handled by Prof. Winlock. A shower of meteors was observed between the earth and the moon. Arcturus, Yega, Venus, and Mercury, were visible to the naked eye during the totality, but no intra-Mercurial planets could be detected, nothing fainter than Regulus being discerned near the sun. The photographs of the eclipse were highly suc- cessful, and accord with those of which fuller accounts are given in the records of observa- tions elsewhere. In a report of observations by Professor Winlock, published in the American Journal of Science, he remarks that the cromosphere was carefully examined both before and after the phenomenon ; and only three lines could be seen, 0, one D and F. During totality only the highest protuberance on the lower limb of the sun was examined carefully, and nothing was seen but a faint continuous spectrum ; but, since the observing telescope (an equatorial, by Merz, of Y^ inches aperture and 9^- feet focal length) took in only a small part of the spec- trum at once, nothing conclusive could be in- ferred from the observation as to the non-exist- ence of bright lines in the corona. During totality eleven bright lines were seen. Be- sides the three described above, there was a short line at or very near E, the three lines of b were bright and very sharp, and there were four lines above F. Al- though these lines were very bright on a dark ground, all of them but the three seen before the eclipse disappeared instantly on the first burst of sunlignt. and the same point in the sun's disk was examined with great care after totality without finding any of the lines but those above described. The photo- graph t of the corona taken at Shelbyville shows a flattening at the extemities of the sun's axis, and an elevation about the equatorial region. The appear- ance can be explained by the hypothesis that it is a photographic view of the sun's atmosphere, and the form is that which it would assume from the sun's rotation about its axis, with its upper surface dis- turbed by the protuberances or flames below, and by large waves which are to be expected in such an atmosphere. Dr. B. A. Gould, in a letter to Professor Morton, which appears in the Journal of the Franklin Institute for October, says : An examination of the beautiful photographs made at Burlington and Ottumwa, by the sections of your party in charge of Professors Mayer and Himes, and u comparison of them with my sketches of the coro- na, have led me to the conviction that the radiance around the moon, in the pictures made during totality, is not the corona at all, but is actually the image of what Lockyer has called the chromosphere. This interesting fact is indicated by many different considerations. The directions of maximum radi- ance do not coincide with those of the great beams of the corona; they remained constant while the latter were variable ; there is a diameter, approxi- mately corresponding to the solar axis, near the ex- tremities of which the radiance upon the photographs is a minimum, whereas the coronal beams in these directions were especially marked during a great part of the total obscuration. The corona beams stood in no apparent relation to the protuberances, whereas the aureole, seen upon the^ pnotographs, is most marked in their immediate vicinity. Indeed, the great protuberance, at 230 to 245, seems to have formed a southern limit to the radiance on the west- ern side, while a sharp northern limit is seen on all the photographs at about 350, the intermediate arc being thickly studded with protuberances, which the moon displayed at the close of totality. The exqui- site masses of flocculent light on the following limb are upon the two sides of that curious prominence at 93 , which at first resembled an ear of corn, as you have said, but which in the later pictures, after it had been more occulted, and its southern branch thus rendered more conspicuous, was like a pair of antelope-horns, to which some observers compared it. Whatever of this aureole is shown upon the pho- tographs, was occulted or displayed by the lunar motion, precisely as the protuberances were. The va- riations in the form of the corona, on the other hand, did not seem to be dependent in any degree upon the moon's motion. The singular and elegant structural indications, in the special aggregations of light on the eastern side, may be of high value in guiding to a further knowl- edge of the cromosphere. They are manifest in all the photographs by your parties which I have seen, but are especially marked in those of shortest exposure, such as the first one at Ottumwa. In some of the later views they may be detected on the other side of the sun, though less distinct. But the very irregular and jagged outline of the chromo- sphere, as described by Janssen and Lockyer, is exhibited in perfection. A scientific party from the University of Georgia made successful observations of the eclipse at Bristol, Tenn., which was near the central line of totality. A corps of observers from the United States Coast Survey, under General Cutts, and a large number of other scientific gentlemen representing learned insti- tutions, were on the ground. The weather was favorable, and the result of the observations highly gratifying. Prof. W. Leroy Brown, of the University of Georgia, in a report to Chan- cellor Lipscomb, describes the operations of his party, and the successive stages of the eclipse, as follows : Just at the calculated time (4* 43 m 36"), though no evidence whatever of the position of the moon could be previously seen, I observed a slight trem- ulous motion on the western limb, 128 d 16 m from the vexter, immediately at the point where it was known by calculation the first point of contact would occur. In a few moments it became visible to the crowd assembled around. The dark spots of the sun were carefully observed, and the time of first contact and" total immersion of the most important of them noted. No change whatever was observed either in the penumbra or umbra of any of the spots during the approach or recession of the moon. As the moon graduallv covered the sun from view, its outline was projected back on the disk of the sun not in a reg- ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. 42 ular, well-defined curve, but in quite a roughened. serrated outline, indicative of its mountains and jS3*before total obscuration occurred, the crescent of the sun gradually and rapidly faded to a delicate thread of silver light My attention was concentrated on this line of fading light, to detect, if possible, what ijtrftmrnir* MJinrtm as Jiatty's beads; that is, the sudden breaking up of this thread of light into a num- ber of segments, or distinct points of light like dis- jointed ilDra beads. I detected no indication what- ever of such separate points of light. The extinc- tion of this thread of light was sudden and instan- taneous. I am inclined to the opinion that one would anticipate naturally, from the serrated char- acter of the moon's disk projected on the sun, that such would bo the case, and, with his mind thus pre- pand to observe such an effect, it would not be dif- ficult to mistake the optical effect, produced by refrac- tion of light through different media, for separate potato or On the eve of total obscuration, directions were given to tho crowd to be silent, so as to hear the beats of the chronometer. The instant the silver line of fight disappeared, a universal exclamation of amaze- mtnt and wonder burst from the crowd at the superb spectacle of beauty immediately revealed. The disk of the moon projected on a sky of livid hue was plainly seen, of a dark, grayish color, caused by the reflected earth-light, surrounded by a bright halo of Hldnally-fading silver light, extending through a breadth of at least half the sun's diameter. Through the bright halo of light there radiated off from the sun great mountain-peaks of roseate light of exquisite batotj One of the largest was plainly discernible with the naked eye, and pointed toward the horizon. Hi base, resting on the disk of the moon, was of ex- treme brilliance, like a living coal of fire, while its mass appeared radiating off from the sun as a gush- ing fountain of rose-colored light, shading off in in- tensity toward its apex in delicate violet hues. The wonderful beauty or this " solar cloud," which sub- tended an angle of more than three minutes, and con- MOBMitly was nearly a hundred thousand miles in height, was so great that, when I directed the large equatorial toward it, it riveted my attention for a full half-minute, and hence I failed to do all I had marked out in the critical two minutes and a half. At the time of total obscuration, Mercury, Venus, and Arc- turus, were plainly discernible with the naked eye. *** After the lapse of two minutes and thirty-three seconds, suddenly an intensely diamond-bright ray of li^ht shot out from near the point of first contact, dazzling in its effect, and immediately dissipating the livid gloom that overshadowed the earth, and giving cheer to the affrighted animals and wondering spec- tators that surrounded us. The thermometer, exposed to the rays of the sun, was observed to fall from 92 to fl* during thtime that elapsed from the first con- tact to the total obscuration. The barometer indi- cated a fall of only one-twentieth of an inch. The observers appointed to note terrestrial objects reported that the rapid approach of the dark shadow over the western landscape, which spread out before us with its symmetrical hills and shaded valleys, was plainly discernible. Its effect on reaching the ob- ver was described as almost like a physical object striking the body, so plainly was its passage marked. In a few seconds (for it travelled at about one mile Pr second) it wrapped in its mantle of gloom the igh rulge of the Alleghany Mountains, about fifteen miles distant, which enclosed the southeast view. Hog and cattle, feeding near by, were observed at .^ ,_ "- | wgMAt VAAVAJ. 9VVUUUfg OLJHi; \ flew around for some moments, and chickens were seen hastening to their roost. The eclipse, as seen at New York City ten- twelfths of the sun's disk being obscured produced a feeling of disappointment in the observers. It had been supposed that consid- erable darkness would he caused by the phe- nomenon, and also that the temperature of the air would be lowered several degrees. Mr. Daniel Draper, meteorologist of the Central Park, made thorough investigations of the effects of the eclipse at that point, and re- ported upon them fully. He declares corrob- orating the observations of the public generally that, when the eclipse was at its height, the light was still sufficient to enable persons to discern objects at any distance, and there was no special quality to be noticed in the charac- ter of the illumination, though it resembled twilight more than any thing else. During the first half of the eclipse the thermometer indicated a fall of only one and a quarter de- grees, and in the last half only half a degree. From three P. M. to five P. M., about the be- ginning of the eclipse, the fall had been from 67.25 to 65.50 ; and after the eclipse, up to ten p. M., there was a further decrease of tempera- ture of 3. In the barometer a rise was going on when the eclipse commenced, and continued while the phenomenon lasted; after which, for about an hour, there was a decline, and then the rise was resumed. Speculations upon the Nature of the Corona. At a meeting of the Royal Astronomical Society in April, Major Tennent's account of his observations of the solar eclipse of the pre- ceding August, in which he stated that the corona gave strongly-polarized light thereby indicating that it was simply reflected solar light came up for discussion. Dr. Weiss, who had charge of the Austrian expedition to observe that eclipse, was present on the occasion, and remarked that the spectrum of the corona was found to be pale but perfectly distinct, and de- cidedly continuous, without any lines. Mr. De La Rue and Mr. Lockyer expressed the sur- prise they had felt at this result, and Mr. Hug- gins remarked that when he first heard that the corona gave a continuous spectrum, he understood it to mean that this spectrum did not differ materially from the ordinary solar spectrum, but he now found that it was desti- tute of the dark Fraunhofer lines. He wished to know whether it was possible that the dark lines were merely not visible from the feeble- ness of light of the whole spectrum. Dr. Weiss replied that the paleness was not sufficiently great to lead to such an idea, and suggested that the corona might consist of two parts reflected light, which would account for the polarization, and light proceeding from some self-luminous gas, and that the dark lines of the former coexisting with the bright lines of the latter might mutually neutralize each other. Mr. Huggins said that there was much difficulty in accepting the existence of self-luminous gas beyond the hydrogen, of which it had been proved that the prominences were formed, and which must probably be the extreme boundary ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. 43 of the gases. Mr. Lockyer here stated that he and several other persons, including M. Faye, had been led, by a comparison of several ob- servations of solar eclipses (particularly that of 1851), to the belief that the appearance of the corona depended very much on the locality at which it was observed, and that it was prob- ably, in fact, a phenomenon produced by the earth's atmosphere. The Astronomer Royal, Mr. Airy, who was present, expressed his con- currence with this view, which he had, indeed, formed from his own observations of several total eclipses. The monthly notices of the proceedings of the same Society for May contain a letter from Mr. Baxendell, of Manchester, to Mr. Huggins, suggesting that the results of a great mass of observations on the corona could be best explained on the hypothesis of the existence of an irregular nebulous ring circulating about the sun nearly in the plane of the ecliptic, and at a mean distance of 0.169, and that the re- flection of the sun's light upon this caused the appearance of the corona. Spectroscopic Observations of the Sun. Mr. Lockyer has communicated to the Royal Society a number of new facts disclosed by his recent spectroscopic examinations of the sun, which he regards as proving the correctness of his assertion made in 1865, on telescopic evidence only that a solar spot is the seat of a " down- rush " of matter to a region where the selective absorption of the upper strata varies from what it would be at a higher level. He therefore assigns two causes for the darkening of a spot. One is the general absorption of the chromo- sphere, thicker there than elsewhere, as the spot is a cavity ; the other is the greater selective ab- sorption of the lower stratum of sodium, barium, and magnesium, the surface of its last layer being below the ordinary level. By using a wide slit in the spectroscope, without the ab- sorbing media employed by Mr. Huggins, Mr. Lockyer was enabled to study the smallest de- tails of the chromosphere and the prominences, on any bright day. He describes the outline of the chromosphere as varying greatly, some- times undulating and billowy, sometimes rag- gedl, and sometimes nearly even for some dis- tance, but very nneven near a prominence. The prominences undergo marked changes in a few minutes ; in one case, in about ten minutes, a portion of a prominence esti- mated at 27,000 miles in height entirely disappeared, another portion of it increasing at the same time. The bright F. line was ob- served, in one instance, to undergo strange contortions, as if some disturbing cause va- ried the refrangibility of the line. At the same time, and in the same protuberance, the characteristic lines of barium, magnesium, and some unknown substance, were noticed. In this case he supposes that there was an uprush from the photosphere into the chromosphere, accompanying which changes of enormous magnitude occurred in the prominence, and, when the uprush ceased, the prominence died away. In observing a spot very near the sun's limb, Mr.* Lockyer found the spectrum of the chromosphere showed that the whole adjacent limb was covered with prominences of various heights blended together. These prominences seemed to be fed from the preceding edge of the spot, as F and the line near D were very bright on the sun itself. In the promi- nences and F were strangely irregular, and the magnesium lines were seen far above the spectrum of the limb. He infers that a portion of the upper layer of the photosphere had been lifted up beyond the usual limits of the chromo- sphere. He also saw the vapor of sodium in the chromosphere, and, for the first time, the iron lines. Dr. Tietjen, of Berlin, has been making fur- ther observations of the gaseous envelope, and protuberances of the sun, by the spectroscope. The protuberances were frequently indicated by their peculiar bright lines, and their shapes could, in some instances, be traced. On one occasion, a pillar-shaped prominence showed itself, broader at the base than at the apex, and in the course of a few hours became curved. A very beautiful one was seen February 15th, exhibiting its bright lines, that known as shining with great intensity. Its size was very large, and its form resembled a water-bottle, whose neck rested perpendicularly on the sun's limb. The next morning nothing of it was visible, but short bright lines were seen imme- diately on the disk. The lines usually observed by Dr. Tietjen were those corresponding to the dark lines of the solar spectrum and F, and a third near, but not coinciding with the dark line D. Of these the first was nearly always the most luminous ; generally, also, longer than F, and frequently than the third near D. March 25th, he saw a fine bright line between D and E, but could not decide whether it coin- cided accurately with the position of any dark line. M. Rayet has communicated to the French Academy his method of examining the solar atmosphere. He employs an equatorial with an object-glass having a focal length of five metres, and which was diaphragmed down to eight centimetres. The telescope was thus ren- dered quite achromatic, and the difference be- tween the brilliancy of the image of the solar disk and that of its atmosphere was greatly re- duced. At the principal focus, where the clear image of the sun fell, was placed the very nar- row slit of a direct vision-spectroscope. The astronomical telescope, which serves in the lat- ter instruments to examine the spectrum, is movable around an axis which is parallel with the edges of the prisms, and it is quite easy to keep only a small region of the spectrum with- in the field of vision, viz., that containing one of the brilliant lines. Between the object-glass and the slit of the spectroscope is placed a di- rect vision-prism, itself preceded by a narrow slit. This arrangement is considered very ad- ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. 44 vantageous as regards a clear view of the yel- low line in the solar atmosphere, which M. Rayet has been engaged in studying. An im- perfect image is found a little farther off than the principal focus of the object glass, and from this a determined color is thrown upon the slit of the spectroscope. The author says that the yellow line maybe seen upon the whole cir- cumference of the solar disk quite as easily as the three lines of hydrogen, and infers, there- fore, that the incandescent gas to which the line corresponds is of the same character as hydrogen, one of the constituent elements of the solar system. Vapor of Water in the Solar Atmosphere.- Father Secchi, in observing the regions adja- cent to the large solar spots, with a spectro- MODe of high dispersive power, has frequently noticed a series of equidistant nebulous lines, or band.*, in the red and orange. These differ in intensity, and appear to consist of five rays enveloped* in nebulosity, and are seen in the penumbras and the groups of small spots, but usually disappear in the sun's full disk, and are wanting in the interior of the large spots where the rays never have the form of the bands. January 6th, the bands were seen upon the full disk, but were found to arise from a cirrus in front of the telescope, and disappeared with the cirrus itself. Secchi remarked that, un- der these circumstances, the bands due to the neighborhood of the solar spots were sensibly increased in intensity. By studying the re- gion near D of the spectrum with a spectro- scope of nine prisms, he found that the yellow ray of the protuberances really exists in the sun, and may be recognized far from the border. He concludes, from these observations, that the vapor of water exists in the solar atmosphere in the neighborhood of the large spots. Solar Activity. During the early part of the year remarkable evidences of activity in the solar atmosphere were noted. At a meet- ing of the Royal Astronomical Society Mr. Bidder and Mr. Browning described two enor- mous spots observed by them. Mr. Huggins, in the discussion that ensued, pointed out the fact that it is only in the neighborhood of the spots that those irregularities of form are to be noticed which have led to the comparison of the granules to willow-leaves, straws, and so on. A cluster of spots measured by Mr. Browning, March 7th, was found to have a length of 97,700 miles, and a breadth of 27,013 miles. The direction of its length was as nearly as possible parallel to the solar equator. Toward the close of the year, a group of spots, measuring in its principal dimension about one- eighth of the sun's diameter, was observed. Spectra of the Stars. The spectrum of Siri- us has been examined by Father Secchi to de- termine whether there is any displacement of the hydrogen lines due to a proper movement of the star, a question already examined by Mr. Hnjrgins (see ANNUAL CYCLOPAEDIA for 1868). With a four-prism spectroscope the ray F was observed to be sensibly displaced, the displace- ment of the centre being apparently equal to the breadth of the rays D' D" of sodium, and being toward the less refrangible side. With a spectroscope of two prisms the displacement of certain of the hydrogen rays, with respect to the rays C and F of Sirius, was also ob- served, and in the same direction. Father Secchi has also examined the spectrum of the variable star R in Gemini, which star attained its maximum brightness with a magnitude of 6.5 in February, 1869. The spectrum exhibits a brilliant hydrogen ray, and also luminous bands, of which the principal correspond to dark bands in the spectrum of Alpha Orionis, and is analogous to that of the variable in Co- rona Borealis, which appeared in 1866. Fa- ther Secchi has found in Aldebaran, Alpha Orionis, and Pollux, the yellow ray noticed in the protuberances of the sun, and also in the body of that orb. A New Theory of the Universe. Mr. B. A. Proctor has recently proposed a new theory respecting the arrangement of the stars and nebulae. Instead of looking upon the nebulae as for the most part external galaxies of stars, he considers that they belong to our solar sys- tem. He discusses the reasons that have been commonly urged for dissociating the nebulae from our system, and shows that these reasons afford singular evidence in favor of a direct association. He looks upon the stellar system as being far more irregular in its disposition than has been generally supposed, and thinks that it is made up of an almost infinite multi- plicity of streams, branches, and clusters ; here scattered dispersed!^, there more or less aggre- gated ; at one place interlacing, and elsewhere, in the language of Sir John Herschel, " bus- tling upward from the t general level." The Magellanic clouds he looks upon as simply globular aggregations of the sidereal and nebu- lar components which are elsewhere found apart, but which everywhere form but one scheme. The Popular Science Review, com- menting on this theory, remarks that, accord- ing to these views, we see few| if any external universes, though our belief in the existence of multitudes of them is in no way affected. On the other hand, our conceptions of the scale on which our own galaxy is constructed, of the grandeur of its plan, and of the immense va- riety in the forms of matter which compose it, seem to be considerably enhanced by the views put forth by Mr. Proctor. The Nebular Hypothesis. Mr. J. S. Aldis, in a contribution to the Philosophical Maga r zine, remarks that a peculiarity in the structure of the earth is worth noting in connection with the nebular hypothesis. There is a tendency in mountain-chains to run north and south, and to present steep slopes to the west, but gentle declivities to the east. This, he sug- gests, may arise from the contraction of the earth. If a portion of the unsupported crust sinks toward the centre, it will subside on to ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. 45 that which is moving less rapidly than itself, and ia consequence will, so to speak, fall over toward the east, the surface forming a gradual slope to the east, and the fractured edges a precipitous descent to the west. In the moon, too, the author sees proofs of the contraction continued long after the stage in which we now find the earth. The spheroid of the moon has contracted since it assumed that shape, and, contracting less in the longer diameter, is now more spheroidal than it should he accord- ing to the theory, while the thickened crust, no longer crushed down on the interior, has left cavities in which the moon's ocean and atmosphere are entomhed forever. The researches of Professor Kirkwood, of Indiana University, by which he has brought the asteroids into due correlation with the other members of the solar system, and derived from the relations which they present an argu- ment in support of the nebular hypothesis, are the subject of an interesting paper in the Student for August, 1869, by Mr. Proc- tor. The author regards Professor Kirkwood's demonstrations as supplying a mathematical proof of the formation of the asteriods from a zone of cosmical matter, according to the pro- cesses which Laplace conceived to have been in operation ages ago, in the development of the solar system. In the special instance of the asteroids, these processes have not resulted in the formation of a single planet ; but that fact may be accounted for by the neighborhood of so large a body as Jupiter. Had that planet not been so near to the asteroid zone, the mat- ter which composes the asteroids might have united to form one planet. Such is Professor Kir*kwood's view. But Mr. Proctor's theory is somewhat different. He thinks that the zone of the asteroids indicates the occurrence of a definite change in the mode of evolution of the planets. Up to that' point enormous quantities of matter had been conglobing into planets with noble systems of attendant orbs ; indeed, there had been a pretty regular increase from the masses of the giant planets Uranus and Neptune, to the yet vaster Saturn, and to the giant among giants Jupiter. Then the sub- stance of the great revolving disk which had given birth to those enormous bodies seems to have been all but exhausted, so far as the gen- eration of new orbs was concerned. The zone next thrown off seems to have presented too sparse an array of cosmical particles to form a single planet by the action of its parts in pro- ducing continual collisions, and so, with much heat and turmoil, a vast rotating, molten, or vaporous globe. With further contraction, the disk seems gradually to have recovered its planet-generating powers ; for first, the small planet Mars was formed, then the Earth, with actually an attendant moon. But there the new effort culminated, the next planet Venus being moonless, and appreciably smaller than the Earth, and Mercury being the last and least of the whole series. The Heat of the Stars. At a meeting of the Royal Society, in February, Mr. Huggins read a remarkable paper, narrating his experiments to ascertain the heat of the stars. It had oc- curred to him that the heat received on the eartl; from the stars might possibly be more easily detected than the solar heat reflected from the moon. He therefore caused to be prepared several thermopiles, and a very sen- sitive galvanometer, and with this apparatus succeeded in obtaining trustworthy indications of stellar heat in the case of Sirius, Pollux, and Regulus. His method of procedure was as fol- lows : An astatic galvanometer was used, over the upper needle of which a small concave mir- ror was fixed, by which the image of the flame of a lamp could be thrown upon a scale placed at a distance. Usually, however, he preferred to observe the needle directly by means of a lens so placed that the divisions on the card were magnified, and could be read by the observer when at a little distance from the instrument. To preserve the sensitiveness of the galvanome- ter, a very careful adjustment of the magnetic power of the needles was made from time to time. So sensitive was the instrument, that the needles would turn through 90 when two pieces of wire, of different kinds of copper, were held between the finger and thumb. The thermo- piles consisted of one or two pairs of elements alloys of bismuth and antimony being em- ployed in some of the experiments. The ther- mopile was attached to a refractor of eight inches' aperture. Although some of the heat- rays could not be transmitted through the ob- ject-glass of the telescope, yet Mr. Huggins de- cided that the more uniform temperature of the air within the instrument, and some other circumstances, would make the difficulty of preserving the pile from extraneous influences less formidable than if a reflecting telescope were used. The apparatus was fixed to the telescope so that the surface of the thermopile would be at the focal point of the object-glass, and was allowed to remain attached to the tele- scope for hours, and sometimes for days, the wires being in connection with the galvanome- ter, until the heat had become uniformly dis- tributed within the apparatus containing the thermopile, and the needle remained at zero, or was steadily deflected to the extent of a degree or two from zero. When observations were to be made, the shutter of the dome was opened, and the telescope, by means of the finder, was directed to a part of the sky near the star to be examined, where there were no bright stars. The needle was then watched, and, if in four or five minutes it had experi- enced no deviation, then, by means of the find- er, the telescope was moved, the small distance necessary to bring the image of the star exactly upon the face of the pile, where it was kept by means of the clock-work attached to the tele- scope. Almost always the needle began to move as soon as the image of the star fell upon it. The telescope was then moved so as to di- 46 ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PEOGKESS. rect it to the sky near the star, when (gener- ally), in one or two minutes, the needle would resume its original position. In a similar man- ner, twelve to twenty observations of the same star were made, and repeated on other nights. The mean of a number of observations of Sirius, which did not differ greatly from* each other, gave a deflection of the needle of 2 , Regulus gave a deflection of 3, and Pollux of H. No effect was produced on the needle by Castor. In one observation, Arcturus de- flected the needle 3 3 in fifteen minutes. Mr. Hoggins hoped at some future time to resume these Investigations with a larger telescope, and to obtain some approximate value of the quan- tity of heat received at the earth from the brighter stars. He suggests that such observa- tions, if strictly comparable, might be of value, in connection with the spectra of the light of the stars, to help us to determine the condition of the matter from which the light emanates. Apparatus for Mapping Stars. Mr. H. M. Parkhurst has invented and described, in the American Journal of Science, an ingenious ap- paratus for mapping the exact right ascension and declination of stars, and also recording their magnitude. By means of it he can map as many as thirty stars a minute in a crowded field, and averages usually, in a night's work, 500 an hour. He has found it easy to take a succession of twelve 15-minute maps in se- lected places, varying many degrees in right ascension and declination, in but little over three hours. Usually, by predetermining the order of mapping, he can map six or eight stars in quick succession, without an error exceed- ing two seconds. By the aid of his star-map- per, the inventor discovered a new asteroid (Galatea), September 30, 1862. It had been previously discovered by M. Tempel, in Eu- rope, but that fact was then unknown in the United States. Mr. Parkhurst has also in- vented a photo-mapper, which he uses in con- nection with the other apparatus. Asteroids. The number of known asteroids has been brought up from 106 to 109 by dis- coveries during the year. The finding of aste- roids has been so common of late that the scientific journals no longer think it important to record each successive addition to that large celestial family. In honor of the discovery of the 100th asteroid, the French Academy is- sued large medals, bearing upon one face the profiles, in alto-rilievo, of Goldsmidt of France, Luther of Belgium, and Hind of England, three gentlemen who have been remarka- bly successful in looking up new asteroids. Messrs. Peters of Utica, and Watson of Ann Arbor, in this country, have, of late years, done as much as any two European observers in increasing our knowledge of the members of the asteroid zone. New Comets. &. Tempel, of Marseilles, dis- ojfered a new comet, October 11, which was Ojjnred at Bonn October 12, at Carlsruhe October 17, and at Leipsic October 23, from the results of which observations the following elements were calculated by Mr. J. K. Bond, of Twickenham, England : Inclination to Ecliptic, 68.48 '&' Loo-, perihelion distance, 0899o Heliocentric Motion Retrograde. The orbit does not resemble that of any comet previously computed. M. Tempel dis- covered another comet, November 27, in the constellation of Pegasus, K. A. 311 15', Polar Distance 75 44'. The comet is a nebulous mass from 12 to 15 minutes in diameter, having no nucleus, and less luminous at the centre than ou the circumference. It was advancing at the rate of 1 per'day in K. A., and 55' in declination. Winnecke's Periodical Comet. Observations upon this comet were conducted at different times between April 13 and June 26, 1869, by Schmidt at Athens, Bruns and his assistant Vogel at Leipsic, Schonfeld at Mannheim, and Wolff at Bonn. The remarkable faintness of its light prevented much being done in the way of physical observation. May 14th, Vogel saw, very distinctly, a tail-like lengthening; and Schmidt remarked a small trace of a tail on June 25th. Schonfeld states that, in part of April and May, it appeared to have several centres of condensation, and Vogel, in the be- ginning of June, detected a much greater re- semblance to a star-cluster than to a nebula. Dr. Winnecke succeeded in finding and ob- serving this comet again on the 4th of August, at half-past 2 A. M., and states that it was then much brighter and larger than when at the same distance from the sun in the month of May before its perihelion passage. He esti- mated its interior brighter part at 7' in diame- ter ; but it appeared to be surrounded by dif- fused faint light of much greater extent. The comet was in perihelion a little before noon on the 30th of June. At the beginning of Sep- tember, its distance from the sun was about 115 millions of miles, from the earth about 46 millions, nearly the same as it was in the mid- dle of May. The Common Origin of Certain Comets. Professor Daniel Kirkwood contributes to the American Journal of Science for September, 1869, a paper on the remarkable resemblance between the orbits of the comet of 1812, dis- covered by Pons, and the fourth comet of 1846. The elements of the two comets are wonderfully like, so much so that diagrams describing their paths are almost exactly simU lar to the eye. The author remarks that it is infinitely improbable that these coincidences should be accidental ; and that they point un- doubtedly to a common origin of the two ob- jects. These comets have their aphelions very near the orbit of Neptune, and he argues that the original parabolas in which they moved were probably transformed into ellipses (the present form) by the perturbations of that ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. 47 planet. Before entering the solar domain they were doubtless members of a cometary system ; passing near Neptune at the same time, and at some distance from each other, their different relative positions, with regard to the disturb- ing body, may account for the slight differ- ences in the elements of their orbits. The question "at what epoch did they enter the solar system," Professor Kirkwood answers thus : The mean between the longitudes of the aphelia of the two comets is 271 41'. Neptune had this lon- gitude in 1775; the comet of 1812, in 1777 ; and that of 1846, in 1809. Now, with the known period of Neptune and the periods of the comets as determined byEnckeand Pierce, we find (neglecting perturba- tions) that Neptune was in longitude 271 41' in the year 694 B. o. ; the comet of 1812, longitude 271 41' in the year 696 B. c. ; the comet of 1846, IV., longitude 271 41' in the year 696 B. c. It seems, therefore, that the three bodies were very nearly together about 695 years before the Christian era. It is consequently not improbable that the ellip- tical form of the two cometary orbits dates from this epoch. The Constitution of Comets. Professor Tyndall advances a new theory of comets, after a careful investigation of the phenomena of those bodies. He regards the cometic tail as not matter projected from the head, but matter precipitated on the solar beams which have traversed the head. He shows that such precipitation may occur either with compara- tive slowness along the beam, or with the ve- locity with which the beam actually traverses space. Thus the amazing rapidity noticed in the development of the tail is accounted for. As the comet sweeps round the perihelion, the tail is not composed of the same matter, but new matter is precipitated on the solar beams, the part of the old tail which is not protected by the head of the comet being dissipated by the sun's calorific rays, and, tfye dissipation not being necessarily instantaneous, the tail leans toward that portion of space last quitted by the comet. Occasional lateral streamers are explained as possibly due to the temporary mastery of the actinic rays in parts of the-coni- etary atmosphere not screened by the nucleus. The shrinking of the comet's head as it ap- proaches the sun is due to the beating of the heat-rays against the attenuated fringe of the head which is thus dissipated. The Quarterly Journal of Science for Octo- ber, alluding to Professor Tyndall's views, says that it cannot at present admit his explanation of lateral streamers, because it leaves us in as much perplexity as we have ever been with respect to that strange phenomenon. When a tail is seen extending in a right line from the head, but at an angle of 60 or so to the radial line from the sun, more is required to account for the peculiarity than the bare possibility that along that line the actinic rays may temporarily have obtained a mastery; and the appearance of six distinct tails spreading from the head in the shape of a fan is still more difficult to explain on the Tyndall theory. The writer in the Quarterly Journal concedes, however, that the apparent swinging round of the comet's tail is undoubtedly explained by the new theory. Professor Tyndall's theory is the subject of two interesting communications to the Philo- sophical Magazine from Mr. Ernest Carpmert and Mr. "W. B. Gibbs, F. R. A. S. The former remarks that the theory turns on an assump- tion hardly compatible with the laws of mo- tion, viz., that the tail of a comet is "matter precipitated on the solar beams traversing the cometary atmosphere." If so, the lineal dimen- sions of a comet must exceed the length of its tail that is, in some cases, sixty millions of miles or more. As it seems incredible that such a bulk of vapor can whirl round the sun at the perihelion passage unbroken, the author suggests a slight modification of the Tyndall theory, to avoid this difficulty, and explain equally well all the observed appearances. If there be an extremely thin solar atmosphere, extending considerably farther than the- earth's orbit and if, when a comet approaches the sun, and is therefore exposed to intense heat, its volume becomes comparable with the vol- ume of the sun the heat of the sun will be shut off from that portion of the solar atmos- phere in the shade of the comet (which, though transparent to light, is opaque to heat), and actinic clouds will be formed in the solar at- mosphere, thus giving the appearance of a tail to the comet ; and, if the shape of the comet be irregular, there may be more than one tail. After the comet makes its perihelion passage, it recedes from the sun, and, at the same time, gradually cools and contracts, and the tail would therefore slowly diminish and fade away. Mr. Gibbs does not think that the theory ex- plains some of the cometary phenomena ob- served by the telescope. Immediately behind the nucleus, where, according to the theory, we should expect a very luminous region, we com- monly have a dark space. Also, the matter which forms the tail frequently streams out from the head toward the sun, as was the case with Halley's comet in 1836. The author cites Pro- fessor Bond's description of Donati's comet, where he says that "the material, after being thrown off from the nucleus, instead of being at once driven into the tail, formed a dense cloud of nebulosity, into which the luminous matter continued for some time to stream. This cloud extended itself on the sunward side, remaining in its vicinity for several days. When it had acquired a certain stage, the discharge took place mainly from the corners or cusps on either side in two streams, which, coalescing with those issuing from other envelopes, formed the two branches of the tail." Then, too, some comets have several series of envelopes, which rise up toward the sun. In Donati's comet seven were detected, and in the great comet of 1861 no less than eleven. The force which causes the ascent of these envelopes is intermit- 48 ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGEESS. tent and finally die, away. In the comet of The awards will be subject to the following b noticed the descent of the en ; ** ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ lets discovered in each of the three years named, velopes on the nucleus; and Herschel and Schroeter remarked the same peculiarity in the comet of 1811. From these facts the author thinks that, although Professor Tyndall s hy- pothesis accounts for some of the phenomena, vet the true theory is still to be discovered. Mr Uuggins, in the Redo Lecture, delivered and only for such comets as are telescopic at time of discovery, that is, invisible to the naked eye. The comet must not have been before seen by an- other observer, and must not be one whose appear- ance could securely be predicted. 2. The discovery must be communicated immedi- ately, and without waiting for further observations, . at Cambridge in May, details his spectroscopic to t j h ' e j m p er ial Academy of Sciences, by telegraph observations* on Winnecke's comet (II., 1868), if practicable ; and otherwise by the earliest post. comparison of spectrum' with that The Academy undertakes to transmit the news imme- f ; nd concludes there- from~tnYtYh*e7o~metary matter from which the light comes is the luminous vapor of carbon. To this theory it may be objected that the de- gree of solar heat to which the comet was ex- posed would be insufficient to convert carbon ^^^ _ into vapor. Mr. Huggins replies to this, that car- obgervat i ns of the discoverer suffice for the deter- bon may possibly exist in an allotropic state, in mination of the orbit. which it may be much less fixed, and so be capa- ble of passin'g into vapor at a comparatively low temperature. At all events, the matter which emanatts from the nucleus, and is distinguished the plan and course of the comet must be given as exactly as possible with the first notice. This first notice is to be supplemented by such later observations as may be made. 4. If the discovery should be confirmed by other observers the prize will not be awarded unless the 5. The prizes will be awarded in the general meet- ing of tho Academy held at the end of May of each year. In case the first notice of a discovery arrives between the first of January and the end of May, the final award of the prize will be deferred till the gen- by a blue tint, does give a light which the prism era i meeting in May in the following year. shows to be identical with that emitted by the vapor of carbon ; therefore it is certain that the light which has the blue color is not due to reflection from a cloud, of which the parti- cles are too small to reflect the longer waves of its less refrangible colors. The invisible spaces between the envelopes may possibly correspond to a condition of the vapor too cool to emit light, and yet not condensed so as to reflect light; and "the exterior parts of the coma, or tail, which have been found to be polarized in a plane, showing the light to come from the sun, may be supposed to consist of the vapor of the nucleus, condensed into widely-scattered particles of great minuteness. Mr. Huggins docs not support the Tyndall theory on the ground that it is inconsistent with the observed appearances and forms of the tails, and espe- cially with the rays frequently projected in a direction different from that of the tail ; and adds that, for further knowledge of the nature of cometary phenomena, we must, doubtless, wait until the spectrum analysis can be applied to the series of changes presented by a bril- liant comet. Prizes for the Ditcovery of Comets. The Im- perial Academy of Sciences of Yienna have is- sued a circular, offering prizes for the discovery of comets. It says that, for several years past, there have been remarkably few discoveries of new comets a fact attributed to the special attention given by observers to small planets. The Academy regard it as very desirable, that more should be known about comets, in view of the recently-established connection between those bodies and meteors. They, therefore, propose to award a gold medal, or twenty Austrian ducats, representing its value in money, as the receiver may choose, for the dis- covery of any new comet during the three tween May 31, 1869, and May 31, 1872. 6. Application for the prize must be made to the not be considered. 7. The Imperial Academy will procure the de- cision of the permanent astronomers of the Obser- vatory at Vienna as to the fulfilment of the condi- tions in Nos. 1, 3, and 4. The Radiation of Heat from the Moon. At the May meeting of the Eoyal Society, the Earl of B.osse presented a paper giving the fruits of his experiments to estimate the amount of heat which reaches the earth's surface from the moon. Professor Piazzi Smith had experimented for the same purpose, on the Peak of Teneriffe, with a thermopile, but ap- parently without any means of concentrating the moon's heat beyond the ordinary polished metal cone. Melloni had employed a glass lens of about 3 feet diameter, but, as glass ab- sorbs rays of low refrangibility, it was not so well adapted to concentrate heat as a metallic mirror. The point sought to be determined by Lord Eosse was, in what proportions the moon's heat consists of: (1.) That coming from the interior of the moon which will not vary with the phase. (2.) That which falls from the sun on the moon's surface and is at once reflected regularly and irregularly. (3.) That which, falling from the sun on the moon's surface, is absorbed, raises the temperature of the moon, and is afterward radiated to the earth as heat of low refrangibility. The ap- paratus consisted of a thermopile of two ele- ments, on which all the moon's heat, which falls on the large speculum of the author's 3- foot telescope, was concentrated by means of a concave mirror of 3 inches aperture, and 2.8 inches focal length. Two wires were connect- ed with the two poles of each pile, and the ends of the wires joined two by two close to a Thompson's reflecting galvanometer, in such ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA AND PROGRESS. 49 a manner that a given amount of heat on the anterior face of one pile would produce a devi- ation equal in amount and opposite in direc- tion to that produced by an equal amount of heat on the anterior face of the other pile. The result of the experiments may be summed up as follows : The law of the variation of the moon's heat is found to differ not much from that of the moon's light. It may therefore be inferred that not more than a small part of the moon's heat comes from the first of the three sources mentioned. Readings of the galva- nometer taken on four different nights at the time of full moon showed a deviation of about six or eight divisions. The probable per cent- age of the moon's heat which passed through disks of thin plate-glass placed in front of each pile was 8 or rather less. The greater part of the moon's heat which reaches the earth appears to have been first absorbed by the lunar surface. The ratio of the heat of the sun, which reaches the earth, to that of the moon, is estimated at about 89,819 to 1. The value of the readings of the galvanometer was determined by comparison with those obtained by using a vessel of hot water coated with shellac and lampblack varnish as a source of heat. The vessel was of tin, circular, and sub- tended the same angle at the small concave reflectors as the large mirror of the telescope. It was thus found that (the radiating power of the moon being supposed to be equal to that of the lampblack surface, and the earth's at- mosphere not to influence the result) a devia- tion of 90 for full moon appears to indicate an elevation of temperature at the moon's surface of about 500 F. In deducing this result, al- lowance has been made for the imperfect ab- sorption of the solar rays by the lunar surface. Of this estimated high temperature at the moon the author remarks that it is quite in ac- cordance with the views of Sir John Herschel on the subject (" Outlines of Astronomy," sec- tion 732 and preceding sections), where he says that, " in consequence of the long period of rotation of the moon on its axis, and still more the absence of an atmosphere, the climate of the moon must be most extraordinary, the alternation being that of unmitigated and burn- ing sunshine, fiercer than that of an equatorial noon, and the keenest severity of frost, far ex- ceeding that of our polar winters for an equal time." And again, "the surface of the full moon exposed to us must necessarily be very much heated, possibly to a degree much ex- ceeding that of boiling water." Captain ^ John Ericsson, the distinguished American inventor, reported to the American Association, at its meeting in August, conclu- sions derived from a series of original experi- ments, exactly opposite to those submitted by Earl Rosse. Captain Ericsson proceeded upon the generally-accepted theory that the moon has no atmosphere, and sought to ascertain what was the temperature of the solar rays in absolute space that is, before entering the at- VOL. ix. 4. A mosphere of the earth arguing that the heat at the surface of the moon, by reason of the absence of an atmosphere, would be the same as that in absolute space. His experiments led him to believe that the temperature of ab- solute space, and, therefore, at the lunar sur- face, is more than 300 below the freezing- point of water. The atmosphere of the earth imprisons, so to speak, the solar rays, which are then absorbed into the earth, until the heat of the surface is increased to the existing average temperature, when other causes inter- fere to prevent it going higher. In other words, the heat received by the earth from the sun is prevented by the, atmosphere from being reflected off into space; but no such cause exists to check the reflection into space of the solar heat falling on the moon's surface. On Captain Ericsson's theory, the moon is a mass of ice, and the heat noticed by Earl Rosse is reflected, as heat might be from the coldest surfaces, and not radiated from it. Report of the Lunar Committee on Changes in the Moon. The report of the Lunar Com- mittee, at the August meeting of the British Association, contains some items of interest. Mr. Birt stated that, since the appointment of the committee, in 1868, a surface of 100 square degrees i. e., 10 degrees of south latitude and 10 of west longitude has been carefully sur- veyed; the outlines of 433 objects laid down on a scale of 200 inches to the moon's diameter, and a catalogue prepared, containing numerous notices of important phenomena bearing on the questions relative to the physical aspect of our satellite. The great question of continued lunar change, either transient or permanent, as contrasted with apparent change dependent upon illuminating and visual angle, is one, he remarks, for posterity to settle. Several in- stances were adduced to show that the moon's surface had undergone successive changes dur- ing its past history. The determination of these changes rests on the strong indications afforded by a careful study of photograms of the priority and posteriority of well-marked features, which can only be realized by con- templating the lunar pictures in the seclusion of the study. The report alludes to certain differences between the photograms, particu- larly one with respect to a crater figured by Lohrmann, and found on De La Rue's map, but not a vestige of which can be discovered on Rutherfurd's. The comparison of photograms appears to open up a line of investigation of great promise. Some attention has been given to apparent changes of brightness and tint ; and three or four somewhat conspicuous spots were referred to as exhibiting these alterations. In a paper subsequently read before the Association by Mr. Birt, he spoke of the num- ber of changes which have been observed, during the last 49 years, on the lunar crater Plato. From records in his possession, it ap- pears that no less than 24 spots have been seen, at different times, on the smooth, dark 50 ASTRONOMICAL PHENOMENA. floor of that crater. Previous to February, 1869, 15 had been recorded, of which 6 have been observed recently. In and since Febru- ary, 1869, 9 additional spots have been ob- served, of which 6 have been more or less con- stantly seen by two observers. The remaining 13 ha"ve either become invisible, or are but rarely seen. Certain peaks on the western wall of the crater Plato have been measured by Beer and Madler, and their height found to be from 5,000 to 7,000 English feet. These peaks, at sunrise, cast well-defined, long shad- ows, which have been measured by Professor Chailis, of Cambridge. The shadows of the three principal peaks come in proximity to three very minute craters on the floor of Plato, thus furnishing a means of identifying these craters at any future time. Transits of Venus. Preparatory arrange- ments were made in England during the year for the efficient observation of the impor- tant transit of Venus, which will take place in December, 1874. Numerous stations have been selected for observing the phenomenon in its various stages and conditions. For observ- ing the ingress of Venus upon the sun's disk, as accelerated by parallax, Owhyhee and the neighboring islands, the Marquesas Islands, the Aleutian Islantls, and the mouth of the Amoor, are regarded as more or less favorably situated. For observing the ingress retarded by parallax, Kerguelen Island and Croyet's Island are well situated, though geographically unfavorable. Next in order come Rodriguez, Mauritius, and Bourbon Islands, Madras, and Bombay. The egress accelerated by parallax can be best ob- served in Auckland Islands, Canterbury, Wel- lington, and Auckland, Norfolk Island, Mel- bourne, and Sydney ; while Omsk, Orsk, Astra- khan, Erzeroum, Aleppo, Smyrna, and Alex- andria, are highly suitable places for noting the retardation of the egress by parallax. Mr. De La Rue has been investigating the practica- bility of taking photographs of Venus in tran- sit, at several well-separated stations, as an auxiliary means of estimating the sun's dis- tance. He points out that the close corre- spondence between the result obtained by micrometrical measurements applied to his eclipse photographs in 1860, and the elements calculated by Mr. Farley, in the Nautical Al- manac, show that a very close approximation to the truth is to be looked for in the case of the transit of Venus. The difficulty of meas- uring the solar and lunar disks presented in an eclipse photograph is very much greater than that attending the corresponding measure- ments in a transit photograph. Moreover, the observer of a transit would not be hurried like the observer of an eclipse, since the former phenomenon is several hours in progress, while the latter lasts but a few minutes. The photo- graphing could be as easily done as that which occurs daily at the Kew Observatory. Mr. Stone, of Greenwich, suggests that the three following points should be carefully attended AURORA BOREALIS. to in making the telescopic observations ; that telescopes of nearly the same aperture should be employed; that magnifying powers should be nearly the same ; and that attention should be directed to observations of real internal contact as the chief points. By " real internal contact," he means the formation of the " black drop," as it is called, simultaneously with the complete ingress of the planet upon the solar disk. The transit of 1874 does not afford the same opportunity which was had in that of 1769, for estimating the sun's distance from the different duration of the transit as observed from different points of the earth's surface ; nor is there a probability, according to Mr. Airy's calculations, of applying that method in the transit of 1882. The latter transit, as well as that of 1874, takes place in December, when the southern or sea hemisphere of the earth is turned toward the sun. The transits of 1761 and 1769 (the most important observed last century) happened in June, when the northern hemisphere was .bowed to the sun. Stations for observing the transit of 1882 have already been chosen. Transit of Mercury. The recent transit of Mercury was observed by Mr. Row (a Hindoo astronomer), at Vizagapatam. The observer and some of his friends noticed that near the middle of the transit a " wavy tint of light " darted from the upper edge of the planet. This light was occasionally disturbed, but continued visible for some time. No change of focal length or of the eye-piece employed had any effect on the phenomenon. It is said to be the first instance of the kind occurring during a transit of Mercury. AURORA BOREALIS. An auroral display of extraordinary extent and splendor occurred on the night of April 15th. It was seen through- out Canada, being especially brilliant at St. John, N. B., Montreal, and Toronto, in the north and middle western part of the United States, and in the upper portion of the South- ern States. At Boston the spectacle was re- markably fine between 7 and 8 p. M., surpass.- ing in richness and beauty any previous exhi- bition of the kind at that point for many years. The Western Union Telegraph Company oper- ated their lines in that city without the aid of a battery, and the same was done in many other places. From Philadelphia to Pittsburg the telegraph lines were worked by the auroral electricity alone. At Cincinnati it was noticed that all the lines, except those running south and west, were disturbed, the currents being sometimes too strong, and at others almost neutralized. The operation of lines at St. John, N. B., was seriously interfered with, and com- munication almost entirely ceased between Plaister Cove and Heart's Content, N. B. The phenomenon, as seen at Richmond, Va., is described as a belt of white, apparently about six feet wide, extending across the sky from east and west, drifting northward, and finally gathering as a fan closes, and then dis- AUROKA BOREALIS. 51 appearing, after which the ordinary Aurora Borealis was seen in the northern horizon. As far southwest as Louisville, Ky., the aurora made but little show, and its effects on the telegraph wires were barely perceptible. Seen from Indianapolis, the phenomenon was of a whitish color, looking like clouds rent by the winds. An hour later (at 9 o'clock) the sky was illuminated first in the northwest, then in the east, and streaked with spots of red light which rapidly came and went. The dis- play at that place lasted about an hour and a half. In New York City and vicinity the appearance of the phenomenon is accurately given in the following, from an account fur- nished by W. S. Gilman, Jr., to the American Journal of Science for July. He was stationed on the roof of Mr. Jacob Campbell's observa- tory in Brooklyn, N. Y., a favorable position for a good view. At 7i P. M., Mr. Gilman first observed thin streaky clouds pointing upward from the horizon, and evidently the beginning of an auroral display. In a few minutes after- ward the beams shot toward the zenith, and the familiar auroral corona was formed. The nucleus or apex of the aurora was seemingly a cloud shaped like the internal area described by a bow with the string drawn aside. The southwest was clear, as it was generally dur- ing the evening. From that point the wind had been blowing all day. To the south the auroral beams did not extend nearer the hori- zon than Sirius, and at no time exhibited great strength on the horizon. At 7 h 40 m rosy tints appeared at different points of the compass, those to the east and west of the zenith being remarkably deep, and generally at an altitude of 45 or more. At 8 p. M. the phenomenon brightened after a brief dull period, and the rose-tints were then very beautiful. Sulphur- ous-yellow and greenish hues were also visible. At 10 o'clock the aurora was faint, though striking in its arrangement ; but at 10|- o'clock the aurora reappeared with redoubled bril- liancy, the nucleus of light being much larger than it was earlier in the evening, and in shape resembling the denser part of the great nebula of Orion. At 2 A. M. when Mr. Gilman's ob- servations ceased, only faint beams were per- ceptible in the north, proceeding from the dark segment along the horizon from K K E. to K K "W. He regards this aurora as inferior in brilliancy to one that he witnessed at Mount Desert, Me., September 15, 1868, but possess- ing more interest than the latter in the greater grotesqueness of the clouds forming the coro- na, and the rosy, greenish, and yellowish tints assumed by the broad sheets of light which streamed on all sides from the nucleus overhead. Mr. E. T. Kingston, connected with the Mag- netic Observatory at Toronto, Canada, in a com- munication to the same magazine, treats of the aurora as seen at that place, in some of its more scientific aspects. He says : A very grand exhibition of aurora, occupying more or less the whole sky, took place on the night of April 15th, and continued, with but slight interrup- tion, from dusk till daylight on the following morn- ing. One part of the display, deserving notice from its comparative rarity, was a dark segment similar to those commonly seen in the north, though not so well defined, which appeared about 9 p. M. in the south, with an altitude of about 25. But the feature of still more unusual occurrence consisted in a belt of lu- minous haze from 5 to 10 in width, extending through the zenith from the eastern to the western point of the horizon, the material of which (in ap- pearance) moved like a torrent from east to west with prodigious velocity. The apparent movement of translation continued from about 13 h 10 to 13 h 50 m , when .the matter com- posing the belt became affected by pulsations, which succeeded each other in the order from east to west, and with a rapidity still greater than that of the pre- vious apparent motion of translation. About 14 h the belt broke up and the pulsations became visible over the whole sky, the order of their succession being from the horizon to the zenith. At 15 h the pulsations became intermittent, and ceased to maintain any apparent order in the their occur- rence : they gradually became more feeble and ceased with daybreak:. Throughout the night a generally diffused lumi- nosity prevailed, such as is commonly seen with a full moon and hazy sky. This was evidently not occa- sioned by the moon, which was scarcely four days old, and Avas low in the horizon, "but was part of the aurora itself, the brilliancy of whose more active fea- tures it greatly impaired. Throughout the day and night a considerable mag- netic disturbance was going on. Declination. As regards the declination, the aver- age deviation was 15' of arc, or three times the limit required to entitle a disturbance to be considered as large. The easterly deviations were the more nu- merous, but the westerly were on the average fifty per cent, greater in extent. The greatest easterly deviation was 93' at 3 p. M., and the greatest westerly deviation 85' at T h 15 m p. M. The deviations after midnight were nearly all east- erly. Total Force. The disturbances of the total force were on the average nearly seven times what may be designated as the inferior limit of a disturbance, or .0004 of the total force. The number of the disturbances which increased, and of those which diminished the force, were nearly equal ; but the average magnitude of the latter was to that of the former in the ratio of 8 to 5. The greatest disturbance which increased the force was 11 (the unit being .0004), and occurred at 5 h 15 m p. M., while the greatest disturbance diminishing the force was 23, and occurred at 8 P. M. The disturbances which diminished the force nearly all took place between 6.30 p. M. and midnight. Inclination or Dip. The disturbances of the dip had an average value of about 15', or 15 times the disturbance limit. The disturbances which increased the dip were the more numerous, but those which diminished the dip were of nearly twice their magnitude. The greatest increase of dip was 35, and occurred at 10 h 30 ra p. M. , and the greatest diminution of dip was 64', and oc- curred at 3 P. M. The disturbances increasing the clip nearly all took place after 7 P. M., those that diminished the dip hav- ing^ occurred during the day. On the whole, the aurora, together with the mag- netic disturbance which preceded and accompanied itj was more remarkable than any that have been witnessed at Toronto since September, 1859. J. A. Angstrom sends to Poggendorff's An- nalen a report of his spectroscopic studies of the aurora. He says that, in the winter of 52 AUSTRALIA. 1868-'69, he was several times able to observe the spectrum of the luminous arc which sur- rounds the dark segment, and is never want- ing in faint auroras. The light was almost monochromatic, and consisted of a single bright line, which was on the left of the well-known group of lines of calcium. Traces of three very faint bands were also observed, which extended nearly as far as F. Only once, when the lu- minous arc was much agitated, did he see the regions in question momentarily illuminated by some faint spectrum lines ; yet, from the feeble intensity of those rays, he could still say that the light of the luminous arc is almost mono- chromatic. In March of 1867 he observed, for a whole week, the same line in the zodiacal light, which at that time displayed an extraor- dinary intensity. Finally, on a starlight night, when the whole sky was in some degree phos- phorescent, he found traces of the line even in the faint light which proceeded from all parts of the heavens. This line, so far as he has in- vestigated it, does not coincide with any of the known lines of simple or of compound gases. He suggests that an intense northern light, such as can be observed within the polar circle, will probably give a more complex spectrum. AUSTRALIA. This continent is now di- vided into five colonies : New South Wales and Queensland in the east, Western Australia in the west, South Australia in the southwest, and Victoria, the smallest, but most important, in the southeast. The area of Victoria is 86,831 English square miles, or about as large as that of Great Britain. Its population was, at the end of 1868, about 684,000. The proportion of the male population to the female is as 4 to 3. The soil is for the greater part undulated and trav- ersed by some mountain-ranges of consider- able height. Of its area, 40, TOO square miles are adapted for sheep-breeding, 26,000 for agri- culture, 583 square miles are calculated to be auriferous, the unexplored land being about 20,000 square miles. There are numerous rivers, but only one, the Murray, is large ; it has a length of 2,400 miles, 2,000 of which are navigable. The climate is dry, but pleasant. Gold-mining is now principally in the hands of companies, and is regulated like any other branch of industry. But there still are many diggers who work on their own account, and would not work for any wages in the richest quartz-works. The yield of gold amounted in 1867 to 1,433,687 ounces. There were 470 steam ma- chines in the alluvial works, and 532 in the quartz-works. The total value of the machines used in the gold-works amounted to 2,068,527 pounds sterling. The average wages of the miners was 87 2s. sterling. The total value of gold obtained in this colony up to the end of 1867 was 136,000,000 sterling. The yield of gold in 1868 amounted to 1,657,598 ounces, and the value of machinery to 2,150,432. There was obtained in 1867 silver valued at 3,462, tin at 195,000, copper at 4,000, antimony at 30,000, coal at 3,000, slate and flagstone at 18,000, .diamonds and jew- els at 8,000. The number of miners has for several years continually been on the decrease. It was, in 1868, 63,000, 15,000 of whom were Chinese. The main centre of the gold-diggings is Ballarat. The city contains a very industri- ous population of 28,000. The annual receipts of the municipality amount to more than 20,000. A railroad connects it with Mel- bourne via Geelong. The next mining cities in importance are Bandigo and Castlemaine. The present agricultural population is about 14,000. The yield in wheat is about twenty bushels, in oats about twenty-two bushels, an acre. The dry climate is favorable to wheat, which is of excellent quality. There were, in 1868, 121,000 horses, 622,000 cattle, 77,000 hogs, 8,460,000 sheep. The export of wool amounted to 3,800,000. The value of agri- culture was, in 1866, 865,693. The squatters had 1,156 stations for sheep-breeding, extend- ing over thirty-two million acres. The cul- tivation of tobacco, flax, and the vine, is pro- gressing favorably. The vineyards, in 1868, covered 5,000 acres. The Society of Acclima- tization manifests great activity. Almost all the domestic animals, fruit, vegetables, and corn, are acclimatized, and thriving very well. The want of sufficient flowing water, arising from the nature of the hard upper strata, has been a serious drawback both for mining and agriculture, so that the supply of water has become the matter of paramount importance. Among other means of remedying this want, the large river Murray is to be brought into communication with many other rivers, gigan- tic reservoirs are to be constructed, large salt lakes to be emptied, and changed into reser- voirs. All other branches of industry have also been greatly developed. There were, in 1866, 114grindmg-mills, with a capital of 384,385; 86 breweries, with a capital of 266,000 ; and of other manufactories there were 786, with a total capital of 1,980,911. With this development of domestic industry the English export has decreased. The legisla- ture was compelled to introduce an almost pro- hibitory protective tariff. Wages are exceed- ingly high, and every industrious and competent working-man finds occupation readily, as may be perceived by the fact that the deposits in the savings-banks amount to a sum of 8,000,000. The Government of Victoria aids immigration but very little now, the legislature, which is elected by universal suffrage, representing the views of the laboring classes, who think that immigration depresses wages. The squatters are mostly Scotchmen, the farmers mostly Irish. The English are not so numerous ; they are mostly shopkeepers and mechanics. The miners are for the'greater part from Wales and Cornwall ; they are skilled miners and smiths. The considerable immigration of Chinese is AUSTRALIA. 53 worthy of note. They are ill-treated, though they have proved themselves useful to the colo- ny by their skill, industry, and spirit of enter- prise. The revenues of the colony amounted, in 1868, to 3,320,354, the expense to 3,272,693. The revenues for 1869 are estimated at 3,294,161, the expenses at 3,293,042. The capital city, Melbourne, has in wonderful development been excelled- only by a few American cities. It con- tains (with the suburbs) 170,000 inhabitants. Port Darwin is said by recent explorers to be the best port in the Australian colonies. It lies southwest from Adam Bay, into which the Adelaide River empties. The foreign trade of the colony of Victoria continues to show an increase. In the lirst eleven months of 1868, the imports amounted in value to 11,391,938, an increase of 1,416,- 503 over the corresponding period in 1867. The exports amounted to 12,814,750, an in- crease of 2,625,211. The Victoria Parliament passed a bill for a loan of 2,100,000 for railway purposes. Ar- rangements for intercolonial free trade were being organized. New South Wales. This colony embraces an area of 207,000,000 acres. The eastern coast runs a distance of 700 miles from Point Danger to Cape Howe. The colony extends 500 miles from the sea into the interior. The coast is high and rocky; but there is a number of bays, affording excellent, spacious, and safe harbors. The country is undulating, and abounds in rivers, fertile valleys, and extensive grass plains. North of Sydney, and east of the Blue Mountains, there are nine rivers watering fertile agricultural districts with prospering towns. There is a regular steam connection between these rivers and Sydney. These dis- tricts are well adapted for the culture of cotton, tobacco, sugar-cane, and other trop- ical productions, as well as the grape-vine ; the southern portion is celebrated all over Austra- lia for its rich yield of cereals. Cattle are ex- cellent. But the richest resources of the colo- ny are its immense pasture-grounds. Tallow, hides, bones, leather, and meat, are valuable export articles, while wool is the great staple of the country. The export of wool amounts now to 30,000,000 a year; while the export of wool of all Australia amounts to 100,000,- 000. The squatters (sheep-breeders) are a very wealthy class, and form the territorial aristocracy of the colony. The area owned as free property (i. e., disposed of by the crown) consisted, in 1867, of about 46,000,000 acres, only 230,000 of which were cultivated; of the 120,000,000 acres of leased land, only 160,000 were cultivated. "Wheat, corn, oats, barley, and tobacco, were the chief articles of cultivation. The culture of the grape has increased, while that of sugar is beginning to grow important in the northern parts. The interior of New South Wales suffers terribly from want of water. The drought of 1868 and 1869 lasted in some parts through the whole year, causing an^ immense destruction among the animals. This colony is rich in gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, tin, and quicksilver; all these treasures are as yet but very little worked. There is an abundance of coal, the great coal stratum extending as far as Queensland. Of the 1,780,000 tons yielded a year on an aver- age during the last ten years, more than one-half was taken to India, China, and the neighboring colonies. Twenty thousand tons of coal are raised at Newcastle every week. The strata of iron are exceedingly valuable. A silver-mine has been opened on the southern coast, 200 miles distant from Sydney ; and a rich stratum of red sulphuret of mercury (cin- nabar) was discovered in the beginning of 1869. The yield of gold amounted, in 1866, to 235,898 ounces. The population was, in 1866, 420,000 souls. The constitution is similar to that of Victoria, except that the members of the Le- gislative Council are appointed by the Crown (the Governor). The railroads and telegraphs are in the hands of the government, and yield a considerable revenue. The Southern Railroad, from Sydney to Goulburn, is 128 miles long. The revenues of the colony amounted, in 1868, to 2,107,157; its debt to 9,585,890, con- tracted for railroads and other public works. The exports from England to the colony rose, in 1868, to 2,872,000. Sydney, the capital of the colony, is seven miles from the mouth of the beautiful Bay of Port Jackson. An inter- national exhibition was opened in this city in May, 1869. Queensland. This colony occupies the north- eastern part of the continent; its length, from the southern boundary to Cape York, is 1,200 miles; its area, 678,000 square miles (about four times that of France). The great bays form numerous harbors. Moreton Bay, at the head of which is Brisbane, the capital, is 60 miles long and 20 miles wide, and encircled by fertile coasts. East of the range of mountains running at a distance of 60 to 70 miles from the coast, numerous broad and partly navigable rivers run through rich alluvial bottoms, while west of the mountains there is an expansive table-land, the Downs. Ipswich, the second city of the colony, has about 6,000 inhabitants. The country around Maryborough is excellent for agriculture. Gladstone is the harbor of the bay Port Curtis, which, being deep, wide, and safe, is considered to be, after Sydney, the best port on the eastern coast of Australia. The climate is healthy. Rockhampton, 30 miles from the mouth of the Fitzroy (in Keppel Bay) is a notable city, the future metropolis of Northern Australia. The coast near the Gulf of Carpentaria is not adapted for sheep- breeding or agriculture; but it abounds in minerals. On the whole, Queensland is exceedingly well adapted for sheep-breeding; its pasture- lands of an enormous extent and excellent quality. The interior is grass-land. Soil and 54 AUSTRALIA. climate adapt the Downs especially for wheat, barley, oats, and the vegetables and fruit of the temperate zone ; the coast-lands producing corn, and most of the fruits and spices of the snbtropic zone. The exhibition of the Horti- cultural and Agricultural Society of Drayton and Toowoomba, in February, 1869, in the Darling Downs, has proved the country to be excellent for producing wheat and other cere- als. On the other hand, the exhibition of the Agricultural Society of East Moreton, opened at Brisbane, showed excellent specimens of grapes, oranges, lemons, gigantic sugar-caue, rich cotton, and fragrant tobacco. The cotton equals our Sea Island staple in fineness and evenness, but is not as strong. Its export rose from 14,344 pounds in 1862 to 412,741 pounds in 1867. There were, in 1866, only 2,884 acres of cotton ; in 1867 there were 8,149 acres ; so that its export in 1868 can hardly have been below a million pounds. The colony is rich in valuable woods. The colony is particularly favorable for farmers with small means, and they have been well provided for by the legislature. Besides the favorable conditions for the purchase or lease of large tracts (as high as 10,000 acres), any father of a family can occupy 80 acres of agricultural land or 160 acres of pasture-land, by paying for five years nine pence a year per acre of the former, or sixpence for the latter kind of land. The discovery of gold has essentially improved Queensland. The city of Nashville, in the gold district of Gympie, al- ready contains 10,000 inhabitants. New and rich quartz strata were found in March, 1869. To develop this industry, however, an uninter- rupted supply of water is needed. The export of gold from Queensland amounted, in 1868, to 163,000 ounces. The Peak Downs contain copper strata of great extent. A rich stratum of galena was discovered, in February, 1869, in the Burnett district. The population was about 100,000 persons in 1868. Railroads and telegraphs are controlled by the Colonial Government. The telegraph was, in March, 1869, advanced as far as Tadesville, on Cleve- land Bay, and will soon, by a submarine ca- ble to Java and Singapore, connect Australia with Europe, etc. Public instruction has re- ceived early attention, there being many pri- mary and grammar schools. Western Australia is separated from the other colonies by the great interior desert. It is now the only Crown colony in Australia. Its length from north to south is 1,200 miles, its width 800 ; the entire length of the coast is 2,000 miles. The Darling and Roe Mountain- ranges traverse the colony from north to south, have a height of 1,5.00 to 2,000 feet and a width of 20 to 25 miles. Beyond them are the wide, v.ndulating grass prairies, with extensive pas- tures, but slightly wooded and well watered by the rivers Swan, Canning, Albany, and Augus- tus. Farther east begins the great desert. The land produces potatoes, vegetables, and fruits AUSTRIA. of all kinds. The climate is healthy and very favorable to European settlers, who are en- couraged by very favorable conditions. The extensive forests furnish woods of great value. The colony is as yet but little explored. Be- tween the Murchison and the Upper Irwin, at a distance of 40 miles from the sea, a district of 4,000 square miles contains coal, copper, and lead in abundance. Pearl-fishing is very ad- vantageous. According to official statements, each European manager obtains about a ton of shells a month, which is worth 100 on the spot. The country abounds in fish. The ex- port from this colony to England was, in the first months of 1869, very lively in wool, pearl shells, copper-ore, gum ; timber is sent to Southern Australia and "Victoria, railroad-ties to India, horses to Singapore, Madras, and Cal- cutta. The exports amounted, in 1868, to 107,636, the imports to 212,488. The popu- lation, in 1867, was 23,231 persons, two-thirds of whom were males. There were 33 public schools. The revenues of the colony were, in 1868, 83,038 ; the expenses, 82,294. Southern Australia is chiefly important for sheep-breeding, agriculture, and mining. The Crown had sold, in 1868, over 3,000,000 acres; 241,712,459 acres (378,300 square miles) remaining still unsold. Its area is three times as large as Great Britain and Ireland. Breed- ing sheep and cattle is the most important busi- ness, the squatters forming an aristocratic class and living in a princely style. The yield in wheat amounted, in 1868, to more than 5,000,- 000 bushels. The colony is immensely rich in copper ; it exported to England, in 1868, 14,841 tons of copper-ore. The port of Wallaroo is a thriving town of 5,000 inhabitants. The cap- ital of the colony is Adelaide. The population amounts to about 180,000. The imports from England rose, in 1868, to 1,177,638. The government consists of a Governor, a Legisla- tive Council, and a House of Assembly. Both Houses of the Legislature are chosen by the people. The Council consists of 18 members, the Assembly of 36. The exports of England to Australia amount- ed, in 1868, to 12,071,435; 1,105,400 of which were paid for fancy goods, 971,003 for clothing, 966,697 for cotton goods, 649,058 for woollens, 324,455 for linen, 924,507 for boots and shoes, 477,295 for beer. The ex- port of Australian staple articles to England, in 1868, shows: for hides, 14,641 tons; raw copper, 93,000 cwt. ; tallow, 215,418 cwt. ; wool, 155,745,199 cwt. The gold imported from Australia and New Zealand to England amounted, in 1868, to 6,989.594. The total exports from England to Australia rose, in 1865, to 12,339,241. AUSTRIA, an empire in Europe. Emperor, Francis Joseph L, born August 18, 1830 ; succeeded his uncle, Ferdinand I., on December 2, 1848. Heir-apparent, Archduke Rudolph, born August 21, 1858. In this article we treat of the affairs belonging to the Austrian AUSTRIA. 55 monarchy as a whole, and those belonging to Austria proper, or the cis-Leithan provinces, reserving the affairs of the trans-Leithan prov- inces for the article HIJNGAKY. The area of the Austrian empire, according to the latest official statements, amounts to 240,- 381 square miles, and the population, in 1867, to 35,553,000 inhabitants. An official census was to be taken during the first months of the year 1870. The previous census was of 1857, which showed the population of the provinces now constituting Austria (Lombardy and Ve- netia have since been lost) to amount to 32,- In no country of the world is the difference of nationality of so great political importance as in Austria, as it has been the primary cause of all the territorial losses which the empire has suffered since 1815, and of nearly all the commotions which still threaten its unity. According to a new work on the subject, by* a writer of recognized reputation, Dr. Ficker (Die Vollcerstamme der OestreicJi. Ungaris- chen Monarchic, Vienna, 1869), the numerical strength of the principal nationalities in Aus- tria proper (cis-Leithan provinces), and the lands subject to the Hungarian crown (trans- Leithan provinces), were as follows : COUNTRIES. German. Northern Slavi. Southern Slavi. Western Rumanians. Eastern Rumanians. Magyars. All others. Austria 7 230 000 9 822 000 1 734 000 592,000 213,000 18,000 742,000 Hungary 1 765 000 2 210 000 1 509 000 1,000 2,501,000 5,408,000 611,000 Military Frontier 45,000 12,000 932,000 500 147,000 5,000 500 Total 9,040,000 12,044,000 4,175,000 594,000 2,862,000 5,431,000 1,354,000 The following is a list of the provinces into which each of the two halves of the empire is divided, with the population in 1867, as ascer- tained by adding the excess of births over deaths to the official statements of the census of 1857 : I. Cis-Leithan Provinces (Austria Proper) : 1. Lower Austria 1,762,784 2. Upper Austria 719,427 3. Salzburg 146,870 . 4. Styria .* 1,091,647 5. Carinthia 342,656 6. Carniola 475,437 7. Goertz, Gradisca, Istria, and Trieste. 566,666 8. Tyrol and Vorarlberg 878,733 9. Bohemia ! 5,153,602 10. Moravia 2,008,572 11. Silesia 493,825 12. Galicia 5,147,021 13. Bukovina 516,418 14. Dalmatia 446,660 Total .19,750,318 Adding army, and travelling popula- tionabout 20,205,000 il. Trans-Leithan Provinces (Hungary} : 15. Hungary 10,814,206 16. Croatia and Slavonia 962,031 17. Transylvania 2,095,215 The Military Frontier 1,131,502 Total .1^0027954 Adding army, and travelling popula- tionabout 15,348,000 Total of I. and II., or the whole monarchy, 35,553,000 In the budget of 1868, for the whole monar- chy, the estimates of expenditure and receipts were as follows : Expenditures. Austrian florins. 1. Common Ministry for Foreign Affairs . . 4,226,471 2. Common Ministry of War : (1.) for the Army 78,778,357 (2.) for the Navy 9,933,265 3. Common Ministry on Finances 1.743,507 4. Common Chamber of Accounts 104,095 Total ."94^78~57<595 Receipts. Receipts of Ministry of War. . 3,214,000 ) Receipts from Customs 12,000,000 > 15,326,900 Receipts from Consulates 112,000 ) Remaining.. 79,459,695 Of which sum the cis-Leithan provinces fur- nish 70 per cent., or 55,621,787; and the trans- Leithan provinces 30 per cent., or 23,837,908. The budget of 1868, for the cis-Leithan provinces, was as follows: Receipts, 299,380,- 999 ; expenditures, 302,999,534 ; deficit, 3,618,- 535. The public debt, on December 31, 1868, was 2,692,067,316 florins. The army in 1869 consisted of 246,695 on the peace footing, and 822,472 on the war footing. The endeavor to assimilate and to govern the incongruous parts of the Austrian mon- archy still constitutes a difficult task. Speak- ing, first of all, of "West Austria, its constitu- tional system, as at present existing, rests upon the cooperation of the Germans with the Poles. The Germans of Austria are in the main centralists ; the Poles are wedded to theories of decentralization or provincial self- government. This fundamental difference of political principles is always threatening to bring about a rupture between the Austrian Germans and the Austrian Poles, however prudently and moderately the political leaders on both sides may act toward each other. There is a serious difference between the West Austrian Government and its supporters in the Reichsrath, on the one side, and the Galician deputies on the other. When the constitutiomil reforms of 1867 were passed by the Reichsrath, by the joint efforts of the German and Galician deputies, the former regarded the work as a finality; the latter, on the other hand, de- clared from the first that the demands of their province, in the matter of self-government, were not satisfied, and that their constituents could not let the constitution remain as the reforms of 1867 had left it. The Galician Diet passed, in fact, a series of resolutions, which demanded such an extension of the powers of the provincial legislature and ex- ecutive government as would conform the position of Galicia, toward the rest of West Austria, to that held by Croatia since the con- clusion of the new settlement in the Hungarian 56 AUSTRIA. group of countries. The constitutionality of these resolutions was disputed by no one, but the Keichsrath was the body alone competent to alter the constitution in the manner pro- posed by the Galician Diet. The Galician deputies avoided, however, raising the question after the Reichsrath had assembled, because the army bill and the imperial budget for 1869 had not yet been voted, and because, in their estimation, the safety of the empire was a question that took precedence of all others. But after the New Year's vacation the Diet's resolutions were called up in the Reichsrath, and, after a thorough discussion, the committee charged with their consideration agreed that no obligation rests upon the Government to communicate the resolutions of the Galician Diet to the House ; nevertheless, and as a compromise, it requested that the Government would, as a matter of favor or political expe- diency, communicate the said resolutions to the committee (not the House), and that the committee would then lay the resolutions before the House. One immediate result of the raising of this question has been the endeavor to provide the means by which the resolutions of the Diet may from time to time be communicated to the Reichsrath. Another constituent portion of tlie empire, Bohemia, claims to be justly discontent. The Czechs belong, as Slavi, to a nationality which embraces a clear majority of the subjects of the Austrian empire, numbering 16,000,000 souls ; yet, under the new dualistic system, their pride of race is offended by being sub- jected to the ascendency of Germans and Magyars, who do not together quite amount to 14,000,000, and, as Bohemians, their patri- otic feelings are outraged by seeing the con- stitutional rights of their ancient kingdom trampled upon and utterly abrogated. It is, therefore, not a little suggestive that Czech leaders wore present at the Slavonic Congress of Moscow in 1867. While the Czechs are sulking and the Aus- trian Poles watching with anxiety the attitude which the West Austrian Government and legislature^ intend to take on the subject of the extension of the principle of self-govern- ment in Galicia, the Austrian Germans are agitating parliamentary reform. They desire an extension of the number of members for the House of Deputies, and the introduction of direct elections into the Reichsrath. In fact, the example of the sister country, Hungary, with its time-honored system of direct elec- tions, has served to captivate the German liberal mind with such a system, and the West Austrian ministry are considering proposals to these ends before the Reichsrath. The West Austrian House of Deputies consists only of 203 members. This, for a population of 19,500,000 gives a member to every 97,000 of the population. The Hungarian Diet, in- cluding the 29 new additions from Croatia, counts 442 members for a population of only 15,000,000, or one member to every 34,000 of the population. It has been proposed to double the present number of the House of Deputies. The Reichsrath closed on the 14th of May, with a speech of the Emperor, enumerating the labor of the Parliament, and saying : It was necessary to found an entirely new order of things. This was accomplished by ^ the establish- ment of the constitution which, while uniting the cis-Leithan provinces, has afforded' a large field for the autonomous government of the country, and given the finishing stroke to the compromise with Hungary. The military organization has not only drawn the band of union more closely round the monarchy, but has also increased its power.' This fact, together with the friendly relations existing between Austria and the other powers, is a guarantee for the maintenance of peace which the empire so absolutely requires. Eeterring to the financial situa- tion, his Majesty spoke of the large demands made upon the tax-paying efforts of the people, and said that, thanks to the joint powers of the Government and the administrative bodies, a way had been found by which it was hoped to place the finances upon a sound footing^ adding that public economy, the re- form of taxation, and the general improvement of commerce, afforded grounds for anticipating that the nation would soon recover from the sacrifices it had made. The speech from the throne then proceeds to enumerate the results of the legislation of the ex- piring session, mentioning especially the establish- ment of a supreme tribunal of the empire, the introduction of trial by jury of press offences, the reform of the criminal law-, the separation of the Government from the administration of justice, the abolition of imprisonment for debt, the repeal of the usury laws, and many other important measures. Allusion is then made to the numerous railway bills which have been passed ; to the conclusion of several commercial, postal, and telegraph conventions ; to the adoption of the laws regulating the position of the religious denominations in Austria, by which equal rights are granted to all creeds ; to the estab- lishment of civil marriage, and the settlement of the relations between the schools and the Church. His Majesty added : " I trust that these laws will endure as the bases of a peaceful organization between the church and state. The law relating to popular schools will elevate the education of the country to such a degree as must constitute the surest founda- tions for tne welfare of monarchy and the people. I hope that in the next session of the Keichsrath those who still hold aloof from our joint efforts will decide to participate in them. Austria must offer a great home to all her different nationalities, dispensing toward all equal justice and equal good-will." The emperor concluded as follows : u The constitution is the groundwork upon which this object is to be ob- tained. An understanding among the several races of the empire must certainly be arrived at, because this cannot fail to be the ultimate result, and because Austria alone offers to all her peoples protection, freedom, and the preservation of 'their independence and peculiar institutions. In her foreign policy, Austria evidently en- deavors to maintain friendly relations to other powers in order to strengthen her inner re- forms. The Government has successfully cooperated in averting the threatening Turco- Grecian difference. Mutual marks of sym- pathy were exchanged between Austria and Italy, and public opinion has been favorable to the rapprochement between the two coun- tries. The interests of Austria, and her wish for the preservation of peace, imposed upon AUSTRIA. her complete abstinence from interference in the German questions that still remain open. The Premier of Austria, Count von Beust, excited, however, the hostility of the Prussian Govern- ment and press by the publication of his Red- book, in consequence of which he explained his views regarding German affairs in two dispatch- es to Count Wiinpiffen, the Austrian Minister at Berlin, in which he says that the hostility on the part of Prussia appears to have been partly caused by the publication of the Red-book. He says that " this publication is a necessity for the Austrian Government, as its foreign policy is not discussed in Parliament, but in the delega- tions, whose business it is to inquire into the budgets of the War Office and the Foreign Office, and who can only obtain an accurate notion of the relations of Austria with foreign states from the Red-book, which offers them a real and tangible source of information on the subject. As regards the policy of Austria toward Rumania, South Germany, and North Schleswig, the count observes that much has been omitted from the dispatches in the Red- book in order to avoid giving any cause of offence to Prussia, but that Austria cannot reject the sympathy which has been manifested toward her by the South Germans, and that Count von Bismarck himself acknowledged her right to interfere in the North-Schleswig question. The second dispatch relates to the plan of forming a South-German Bund. It is addressed to the Austrian ambassadors at Mu- nich and Stuttgart, and begins by recalling the opinion expressed by Count von Beust on this proposal in November, 1867. He then consid- ered that a Southern Bund would be desirable as a guarantee for the maintenance of peace, and communicated his views on the subject to the Prussian Government as well as to those of Bavaria and Wurtemberg. At the same time, though retaining this opinion, he neither then nor since took any steps to promote the formation of the Bund. " Austria has a legit- imate interest in the independence of South Germany, and hence, also, in the maintenance of that independence in a definite and secure form. * * * But for the present we will confine ourselves to urging this important truth on all concerned. We do not wish to have even the appearance of taking an active part in the development of affairs in Germany. We ought to wish for a Southern Bund ; perhaps we do wish for it; but we neither can nor will create it, or even help to create it. If it should come into existence, no one shall have the smallest right to describe it as the work of Austrian influences." The Government presented and carried a bill in the Reich srath, relative to the land- wehr (militia), which is to be under the direct control of the military authorities. The pri- mary-school law was strenuously opposed in the Reichsrath by the Polish and Tyrolese members, who, upon the closing of the debate, submitted a protest against its enactment and quitted the Chamber. The law was passed, and received the Emperor's sanction. The liberal reforms introduced into the em- pire continued to encounter a determined op- position from the Catholic and Conservative party. The Bishop of Linz was convicted be- fore a civil court of uttering doctrines subver- sive of public order, and sentenced to three months' imprisonment. He was, however, im- mediately pardoned by the Emperor. A serious revolt broke out, in October, in the province of Dalmatia, the inhabitants of the district of Cattaro resisting the execution of the new military law. The insurgents collected a considerable number of armed men, and had control of several towns, among them Pobosi and Maina, and, strengthened by the moun- tainous character of the country, kept the Aus- trian troops at bay for several weeks. A battle lasting four hours took place near Lisio, in which the rebels were totally defeated. From the sympathy with which a number of Rus- sian papers regarded the insurrection, it was inferred that it was not merely an outbreak of discontent with a military law, but that it had a Panslavic tendency, directed against both Turkey and Austria. It was reported that the insurgents received large reinforcements from the inhabitants of Montenegro and the Herze- govina, and that the Prince of Montenegro fa- vored the movement. Numerous arrests were made by the Turkish Government in the prov- inces bordering upon Dalmatia, and it was claimed that discoveries had been made, show- ing that the rising was to extend successively to Bosnia, the Herzegovina, Albania, Servia, and Montenegro. The Austrian and Turkish Gov- ernments concluded a convention, to mass large bodies of troops on the frontier of the disaf- fected provinces and resist the spread of the rising by combined action. The Austrian Gov- ernment received permission from that of Tur- key to march its troops through Turkish ter- ritory against the Dalmatian insurgents, but the Prince of Montenegro entered a protest against this convention, and was said to be supported by the Government of Prussia. The new session of the Reichsrath was opened by the Emperor on the 13th of Decem- ber. In the speech from the throne, the Em- peror favored a conciliatory course in dealing with the Dalmatian insurrection, dwelt upon the peaceful appearance of European affairs with satisfaction ; and declared that the Aus- trian empire was in excellent relations with the foreign powers, even on a point which had momentarily caused some trouble. Referring to internal affairs, the Emperor announced that important concessions were to be made to the different nationalities. Modifications of the constitution would be necessary, but must be made in accordance with its spirit. He closed by promising that the autonomy of the prov- inces would be respected as long as it was compatible with the maintenance of the unity and power of the empire. 58 BACON, JOEL S. BANKS OF THE UNITED STATES. B BACON, JOEL S., D. D., a Baptist clergy- mnn, professor, and college president, born in Cayuga County, N. Y., in 1801 ; died at Kich- inond, Va., November 9, 1869. Prior to his entering upon his collegiate course, he was en- gaged for some time in teaching in Amelia County, Va. In 1826 he graduated with the highest honors, at Hamilton College, Clinton, N. Y., after which he was employed as a clas- sical teacher, at Princeton, N. J. In 1831 he graduated at the Newton Theological Institu- tion, and, about that time, having been elected to the presidency of Georgetown College, Ky., he accepted the position, but resigned it after a period of two years, and subsequently was, for the same length of time, pastor of the Baptist Church, in Lynn, Mass. From 1834 to 1837 he was professor in the institution at Hamilton, N. Y., now Madison University. After his resignation there, he was engaged for a time as agent for Indian missions, his concil- iatory course with the Indians rendering im- portant service. In 1843 he became president of Columbian College, Washington, D. C. ; which office he held for eleven years, resigning in 1854. In 1845 he received the degree of D. D. from his alma mater. After leaving Washington, Dr. Bacon was devoted to teach- ing in female seminaries. For two years he was at the head of an institution in Tusca- loosa, Ala. In 1859 he became established at Warrenton, Va., where he remained during and after the war, until about two years prior to his death. For some time after leaving Warrenton, he was devoted to the self-sacrifi- cing labor of travelling through the Southern States, as agent of the American and Foreign Bible Society, addressing the colored people on the importance of Sabbath-school educa- tion and the study of the Bible. As a student, Dr. Bacon was possessed of a quick and clear apprehension ; acquiring with great readiness valuable information, both from men and books. As a teacher, he had an aptness and fertility of illustration which made him a favorite in the lecture-room. As a preacher, he was earnest and practical. As a man, he was remarkable for urbanity, courtesy, and charity ; always taking moderate views in controversy, appreciating the truth partially held by different minds, and never becoming a partisan, or even a leader in new organizations. During the late civil war, he had the entire confidence of the adherents of both sections, whose armies were alternately occupying the town where he resided. Dr. Bacon's versatil- ity of mind caused frequent changes in his public life; but in every position his genial spirit and sprightly conversational powers won him warm friends. BADEN, a gfand-duchy in South Germany. Grand-duke, Friedrich, born September 9, 1826 ; succeeded his father Leopold, as regent, April 24, 1852; assumed the title of grand- duke September 5, 1856. Area, 5,912 square miles ; population, according to the census of 1867, 1,434,970,* of whom 931,000, or 64.9 per cent, (against 65.1 per cent, in 1864) were Koman Catholics, and 475,918 Protestants. The town population of the grand-duchy is as follows : Three towns with more than 20,000 inhabitants, together, with 86,813, 6.1 per cent, of total population. Three towns with more than 10,000 inhabitants, and less than 20,000, together with 45,470, 8.1 per cent. Eight towns with more than 5,000 inhabitants, and less than 10,000, together, with 57,819, 4.3 per cent. Three towns with more than 4,000 inhabitants, and less than 5,000, together, with 13,424, 0.9 per cent. Nineteen towns with more than 3,000 inhabitants, and less than 4,000, together, with 62,950, 4.4 per cent t Sixty-nine towns with more than 2,000 inhabitants, and less than 3,000, together, with 162,295, 11.3 per cent. Total one hundred and five towns with more than 2,000 inhabitants, together with 428,470, 29.0 per cent. The public debtf on January 1, 1869, amounted to 31,285,201 florins ; besides which there was a railroad debt of 107,560,330 florins. The Grand-duke of Baden, several times in the course of the year 1869, declared his sympathy with the union movement going on in Germany, and his wish to see Baden euter the North-German Confederation. In a letter to the Minister of State, Jolly, he stated the task of his reign to be the develop- ment of a free public life on the safe basis of mental culture, and a courageous sympathy with the national regeneration of Germany. He expressed himself with a little more reserve on opening the chambers of the grand-duchy in September. The policy of the Grand-duke found a hearty support from the majority of both Chambers. In the first Chamber, the op- position numbered only six out of thirty-one members ; in the second, nine out of sixty-two deputies. BANKS OF THE UNITED STATES. The banking movement of the year 1869, through- out the United States, has been marked by no important changes, or fluctuations, or reverses. The aggregate banking loans of the three leading Atlantic cities have reached $440,000,000, and, at one period, were $396,- 000,000 a difference of about 10 per cent. The following tables illustrate fully the bank- ing movements of the United States and Great Britain for a series of years. * The total population here given is what the official ac- counts call the " actual " (" faktische ") population, while the figure (1,438,872) given in the AMERICAN ANNUAL CY- CLOPEDIA for 1868, is designated as the " Customs Union Enumeration" (" Zollveremsabrechnungs ") population. In the same volume of the CYCLOPAEDIA some fuller state- ments are given of the ecclesiastical statistics and of the large towns. t For further financial and military statistics, see AMER- ICAN ANNUAL CYCLOPEDIA for 1868. BANKS OF THE UNITED STATES. 59 STATEMENT, SHOWING THE NUMBER OF NATIONAL BANKS, ETC., IN EACH STATE AND TERRI- TORY OF THE UNITED STATES, SEPTEMBER 30, 1869. STATES AND TERRITORIES. ORGANIZATIONS. Capital paid In. Bonds on deposit to secure circula- tion. Circulation issued by the United States to the banks. In actual circula- tion. 1 1 q 1 6 t Maine 62 41 40 209 62 83 315 55 205 32 11 6 20 15 138 71 84 43 37 48 18 5 20 16 14 3 2 4 3 9 6 3 3 1 1 4 2 1 1 1 1 61 41 40 206 62 81 294 54 197 31 11 4 17 14 132 68 82 41 34 43 17 5 18 16 13 2 $9,185,000 4,835,000 6,810,012 85,082,000 20,364,800 24,606,820 116,284,941 11,565,350 50,235,390 12,790,202 1,428,185 1,350,000 2,623,300 2,216,400 22,954,700 12,902,000 12,570,000 5,460,010 2,760,000 4,017,000 1,840,000 400,000 7,810,300 2,885,000 2,015,300 1,300,000 $8,438,750 4,897,000 6,538,500 65,230,500 14,193,600 19,758,100 79,096,900 10,710,450 44,353,500 10,068,750 1,348,200 1,337,000 2,405,000 2,243,250 20,642,150 12,554,050 11,352,850 4,365,100 2,715,050 3,671,750 1,772,200 382,000 4,786,350 2,725,700 1,490,200 1,258,000 $7,682,256 4,394,395 5,916,800 60,104,670 12,940,850 18,215,115 76,067,510 9,736,245 40,769,220 9,436,780 1,244,725 1,339,500 2,177,580 2,068,950 19,076,260 11,391,695 10,315,835 3,957,555 2,626,750 3,436,135 1,604,100 371,400 4,419,170 2,428,470 1,291,170 1,251,120 66,000 171,500 255,700 1,239,900 384,700 192,500 353,025 131,700 88,500 429,535 180,200 135,500 36,000 63,500 $7,509,196 4,281,195 5,751,720 57,046,930 ' 12,486,900 17,433,978 68,553,175 9,407,115 38,748,606 8,910,880 1,197,625 1,099,571 2,134,980 1,988,050 18,405,385 11,017,627 9,950,275 3,824,755 2,508,102 3,217,077 1,548,900 341,000 4,164,525 2,366,720 1,191,551 1,094,589 53,383 170,000 252,000 1,234,100 379,700 192,500 288,647 129,700 88,500 407,535 178,900 135,000 36,000 63,500 New Hampshire. Vermont, Massachusetts 3 Kb. ode Island 2 21 1 8 1 '"2" 3 1 6 3 2 2 3 5 1 New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Maryland Delaware District of Columbia Virginia "West Virginia Ohio Indiana Illinois . Michigan "Wisconsin Iowa Minnesota Kansas Missouri 2 Kentucky Tennessee 1 1 2 Louisiana. . . :1 . . Nebraska 4 3 7 6 3 2 1 1 4 2 1 1 1 450,000 350,000 1,600,000 823,400 823,500 400,000 250,000 100,000 525,000 200,000 150,000 100,000 100,000 235,000 297,000 1,383,500 445,100 277,000 310,500 155,000 100,000 472,100 200,000 150,000 40,000 75,000 . Colorado Georgia 2 North Carolina South Carolina ..... Alabama Nevada Oresron Texas. . . Arkansas Utah Montana . . Idaho Total 1,694 74 1,620 | $432,163,611 $342,475,100 $317,992,516 $299,789,892 RECAPITULATION OF STATE BANKS IN THE UNITED STATES, DECEMBER, 1869. STATES. Number of Banks. Capital. STATES. Nmber of Banks. Capital. Alabama 2 7 5 1 1 9 13 2 49 11 7 8 2. 3 $1,000,000 5,100,000 1,676,900 780,000 579,000 300,000 2,240,000 488,000 100,000 12,914,650 8,270,290 625,000 2,453,000 200,000 200,000 2 7 13 6 34 22 6 11 16 3 1 15 $400,000 1,710,300 985,000 1,125,000 5,926,000 12,379,000 1,650,000 2,154,000 2,828,000 270,000 137,000 475,000 California Connecticut Delaware District of Columbia New York State Georgia " City Illinois Ohio Indiana Pennsylvania Iowa Ehode Island Kentucky Virginia Louisiana Maine Maryland Total Michigan t 259 $66,974,000 Minnesota The national banks have an aggregate capi- together, 1,879 banks, with a combined capi- tal of $432,163,611 ; State banks, $66,974,000 ; tal of $479,137,611. 60 BANKS OF THE UNITED STATES. THE BANKING MOVEMENT AT NEW YORK, BOSTON, AND PHILADELPHIA, 1867, THE BANKS OF NEW YOEK IN THE TEAR 1869. Seventy-three in Number. Capital, $84,961,900. 1868, 1869. YEARS. Loans. Specie. Circulation. Deposits. Legal Tenders. Weekly Clearings. Jan. 5. 1867 $257,852,460 $12,794,892 $32,762,779 $202,533,564 $65,026,121 $466,987,787 July 6 " 264,361,237 10,853,171 33,669,397 191,524,312 71,196,472 494,081,990 Jan 4 1868 .... 249,741,297 12,724,614 34,134,391 187,070,786 62,111,201 483,266,304 July 8, " 281,945,931 11,954,730 34,032,466 221,050,806 72,124,939 525,646,693 Jan. 4 1869 259,090,057 20,736,122 34,379,609 180,490,445 48,896,421 585,304,799 Feb 1 " 265,171,109 27,784,923 34,231,156 196,985,465 54,747,569 609,360,296 March 1 " 261,371,897 20,832,603 34,247,981 185,216,175 50,835,054 529,816,021 April 5 " 262,933,675 10,737,889 34,816,916 175,325,789 48,496,309 837,823,692 May 8 " 260,435,160 9,267,635 33,972,058 183,948,565 56,495,722 763,768,349 June 7* " 275,919,609 19,051,133 33,982,995 199,124,042 53,289,429 766,281,026 July 5 " 258,368,471 23,520,267 34,217,973 179,929,467 46,737,263 846,763,300 Aug. 2, " 260,530,225 27,871,933 34,068,677 196,416,443 56,101,627 614,455,487 Sept. 6 " 262,549,839 17,461,722 33,960,035 191,101,086 55,829,782 556,889,275 Oct. 4 " 255,239,649 15,902,849 34,169,409 183,124,508 54,209,088 792,893,774 Nov 1 " 250,948,833 21,926,046 34,136,249 180,828,882 52,177,881 540,450,647 Dec 6 " . .. 253,235,996 30,633,539 34,140,468 182,690,140 45,989,274 676,011,384 " 31 " 250,406,387 31,166,908 34,150,887 179,129,394 45,034,608 399,355,375 THE BANKS OF BOSTON IN THE TEAR 1 Forty-six in Number. Capital, $47,550,000. YEARS. Loans. Specie. Legal Tenders. Deposits. National. Aug. 5, 1867 $96,367,558 $472,045 $15,111,084 $33,398,850 $24.655,075 Jan. 6,1868 94,969,249 1,466,246 15,543,169 40,856,022 24,626,559 July 6 " 100 110 830 1 617 638 15 107 307 43 458 654 25 214 190 Jan 4 1869 98 423 644 2 203 401 12 938 332 37 538 767 25 151 340 Feb. 1. " 103,696 858 2 161 284 12 964 225 40 228 462 25 312 947 March 1, " 101,309,589 1,237,936 11 200 149 35 689 466 25 301 537 April 5, " . 96,969,714 862,276 11 248 884 33 504 099 24 671 716 May 8 " 100 127 443 708 963 12 352 113 36 735 742 25 330 060 June 7, " . 103 643 849 640*582 13 454 661 38 491 446 25 292 157 July 12, " 102,633,048 3,140'676 9 595 668 34 ? 85l'745 2s'335'701 Aug. 2, " . 102 528 844 2 577 538 10 574 694 35 797 308 25 9 30 893 Sept 6 " ... 103,904,545 1 715 563 11 792 519 37 041 045 25 202 271 Oct. 4 " . 105 289 208 652 197 1 2 *7fi7 004. QC ftfiO 8Q4- O QO1 A.RA. Nov. I, " 103 410 990 1 363 721 11 711 185 55 oin OCA 25 321 519 Dec. ove : Coke recently calcined is entirely dissolved p \V- ng a ? oluble compound of an intense color. Me- lic carbon, deposited from hydrocarbon vapors ted in a porcelain tube, is dissolved with very Teat difficulty but completely. The same is true for gas-retort carbon, and some substances called arti- ficial graphites. Anthracite, animal charcoal, and the carbonaceous matter from the Orgueil meteorite, were also completely oxidized, but lampblack left a trace of graphitic oxide. The intense heat produced by combustion in oxygen converts a small portion of gas-retort carbon into graphite. Berthelot suggests that it is in this manner that natural graphite has been formed, the amorphous carbon, being more oxi- dizable at a low temperature, having been gradually dissolved. This view derives some support from the presence of a trace of graphite in lampblack. Elec- tricity also converts amorphous carbon into graphite, the carbon carried over to the negative pole being found to contain a considerable quantity of the latter, while the positive pole contained only a trace. The actual transference of the carbon is not, however, necessary for the formation of graphite ; carbon from sugar softened by the heat from a battery of 600 pairs being found to contain graphite in large pro- portion. Carbon separated from hydrocarbons by the agency of heat does not contain a trace of graphite, while that which is separated by heat from the sul- phide or chloride of carbon, or by chlorine from bo- ron, contains a considerable quantity. The Ignition Point of Vapors. Mr. TV. R. Hutton, of Glasgow, has determined the de- gree of heat at which the vapors of a number of liquids catch fire from a burning candle at a distance of 1.5 inches, or 0.5 inches from the surface of the fluid. Annexed is a tabular statement of the results of his experiments. INFLAMING POIN OF FAHK r IN DEG. ARTICLES. Specific weight. 1 At a distance of 0.5 in. Sulphuric ether Deg. Y47 Deg. Below 53 Deg. Bisulphide of carbon. . . . Petroleum benzine 1.270 706 do 53 do 53 .... Benzole from coal-tar, 90 per cent 861 do 74 71 Crude paraffin-oil 849 do 74 72 Crude naphtha 884 do 7$ 74. Whiskey 940 do 85 Wood naphtha 9 840 do 87 8 81 Crude paraffin-oil 891 do 89 84 2 Crude naphtha 881 do 90 86 Dutch gin 930 do 90 Wood spirit. . . 827 do 96 8 84 2 Illuminating naphtha Wine spirit 859 817 do 100 do 104 91 73 Whiskey, 15 overproof. . Whiskey, 11 overproof.. Kerosene 893 905 801 do 109 do 110 do 118 83 84.2 110 Light oil from coal-tar. . . Spirit from resin 920 922 do 119 do 122 109 105 8 Turpentine 875 do 130 119 Sherry wine 993 do 130 Port wine. 1 003 do 130 Refined paraffin-oil 809 do 134 123 Refined paraffin-oil 814 do 138 2 127 Fusel-oil. 850 do 140 129 2 Oil from resin 987 Above 2i2 Heavy tar-oil 950 do 212 Nitrification. Mr. S. W. Johnson furnishes to the American Journal of Science for March a paper on the formation of nitrogen com- pounds artificially and in a state of nature. With respect to the natural process of such formation, he is led to the conclusion that free nitrogen enters into combination in all cases CHEMISTRY. 95 by oxidation; that the agent of oxidation is ozone ; that in the soil this ozone originates for the most part in the slow oxidation of or- ganic matters ; and that ammonia and the or- ganic nitrogen of humus, peat, and coal, are the result of the reduction of oxides of nitrogen either in the living organism in the acts of nutrition, or by the organic matters of the dead plant or animal. The union of atmos- pheric nitrogen and oxygen under the influ- ence of electrical tension has been shown by Meissner to be preceded by the production of ozone. By a long series of critically-conducted observations, Daubeny has made it probable that ozone appears in the vicinity of active fol- iage exposed to sunlight, and concludes that the oxygen set free from combination in the plant is partly ozonized, as is true of that which separates in the decomposition of permanga- nates and chromates by oil of vitriol. The plant, then, appears to be an agent of nitrifica- tion when living as well as when dead, and ozone is the result of a molecular change which accompanies the decomposition as well as the formation of oxygen compounds. Unwholesome Food. Dr. Letheby treated of unwholesome and adulterated food in the Can- tor Lectures delivered by him before the Brit- ish Society of Arts. Some parts of his dis- courses are particularly interesting to epicures, as, when he says : Even game, when only sufficiently tainted to please the palate of the epicure, has caused severe cholera in persons unaccustomed to it; but, as Dr. Christi- son observes, " the power of habit in reconciling the stomach to the digestion of decayed meat is incon- ceivable. Some epicures in civilized countries prefer a slight taint even in their beef and mutton ; and there are tribes of savages still further advanced in the cultivation of this department of gastronomy, who eat with impunity rancid oil, putrid blubber, and stinking offal." The Zulus of Natal, according to Dr. Colenso, are so fond of putrid meat that they call it ubomi, which literally means to be superla- tively happv. But, as a rule, there is a natural ab- horrence of tainted food, insomuch that, with most persons, the mere commencement of decay is suffi- cient to excite disgust ; and rarely do we find, ex- cept amoncr savages, that an entire meal is made of putrid flesh. A little game or venison, or ripe cheese, at the end of a feast, with just a piquant touch of decay, is, perhaps, not objectionable ; for it may, as Liebig supposes, promote digestion, by com- municating its own quality of transformation to the rest of the food ; but it is another thing to fill the stomach with putrid flesh, for, if the corrective power of the gastric juice should fail, the effect of it might be serious. We have, indeed, abundant evidence of the terrible consequences of admitting putrid matter into the circulation, for they were once too common among those engaged in the dissection of the human body. In fact, the mere handling of decomposing animal matter for any time will often produce dis- ease of the hands or other parts of the body with which it comes into ^ contact. Our safety, perhaps, in using such food is in the antiseptic power of good cooking ; but this is not always an easy affair ; for the tissues are generally so soft from decay that they will hardly bear the common action of heat : so that if they be boiled for any time they will fall to- pieces ; and, if they be roasted, they will shrink without forming that delicious crust of osmazome which is characteristic of good meat. Let them, however, be cooked as they may, they always re- quire a nice adjustment of rather strong flavors to make them palatable ; and those who have dined in the cheap restaurants of Paris, or at the still worse table d'hote of a German watering-place, will have experienced the art of the cook in this respect, in such dishes as turbot en vol-au-vent, Eaie au beurre noir, sole en matelote Normande, and in the various forms of fish au gratin ; or game en salmis. But, bad as this sort of tainted food is, it is nothing in comparison to the sausage poison, which is pro- duced by a sort of modified putrefaction^ to which the large sausages of Germany, and especially those of Wurtemberg, are occasionally subject. Accord- ing to an official return, there have been more than four hundred cases of poisoning from these sausages in "Wurtemberg alone during the last fifty years, and of these about one hundred and fifty were fatal. The effects are generally observed in spring, and mostly in April, when the sausages become musty, and acquire a soft consistence in the interior. They have also a peculiarly nauseous and rather putrid taste, and are very acid to test-paper. If eaten in this condition, they produce dangerous effects in from twelve to twenty-four hours the first symptoms being pain in the stomach, with vomiting and diarrhosa, and dry- ness of the nose and mouth : then comes a feeling of profound depression, with coldness of the limbs, weakness and irregularity of the pulse, and frequent fainting. Fatal cases end with convulsions and op- pressed breathing between the third and eighth day. The precise cause of these effects is still a mys- tery ; some have thought that rancid fatty acids are produced during the decomposition of the meat ; others that in the process ol drying and smoking acrid pyrpgenous acids have been developed ; others that, during the decay of the sausages, a poisonous organic alkaloid is generated. Liebig is of opinion that the effects are due to an animal ferment, which produces in the blood, by catalysis, a state of putrid- ity analogous to its own, and that the molecular movements of the putrefactive change in the decay- ing meat are thus communicated to the living organ- ism. M. Vanden Corput, who is one of the most recent investigators of the subject, attributes the morbific action of such meat to the presence of a minute fungus, of the nature of a sarcma, which he calls sarcma lotulina. This view is confirmed by the fact that there is always a peculiar mouldiness of the sausages ; and the poisonous property is generally observed in April, when these cryptogamic organ- isms are most freely developed. Similar effects have occasionally been produced by other kinds of animal food as veal, bacon, ham, salt beef, salt fish, cheese, etc., and the food has usually been in a decayed and mouldy condition. It would be tedious if I were to detail, or even to enumerate, the cases recorded by medico-legal writers ; but I may, perhaps, refer to a few of them. In 1839, there ' was a popular fete at Zurich, and about six hundred persons partook of a repast of cold roast veal and ham. In a few hours most of them were suffering from pain, in the stomach, with vomiting and diar- rhoea ; and, before a week had elapsed, nearly all of them were seriously ill in bed. They complained of shivering, giddiness, headache, and burning fever. In a few cases there was delirium ; and, when they ter- minated fatally, there was extreme prostration of the vital powers. Careful inquiry was instituted into the matter, and the only discoverable cause of the mis- chief was incipient putrefaction and slight mouldiness of the meat. Dr. Deiseler relates an instance where a family of eight persons were made ill by musty ba- con ; and M. Ollivier has given an account of six per- sons who were poisoned by mutton in a state of modi- fied decay four of whom died from it within eight days. In Russia, where it is the practice to eat largely of salt fish in a raw condition, it is not at all uncommon to witness the dangerous effects of it when it has be- 96 CHEMISTRY. oome mouldy or putrid ; and, in fact, it is within the experience o*f every one who is concerned in medico- legal inquiries, that serious symptoms are frequently traced to the use of food in a modified condition of de- cay. This is especially so with bad cheese, the effects of which on the constitution have been so severe that official investigations have been called for. These effects have been noticed at Schwerin (1823), at Minden (1825), at Hameln (1826), at Greifswald (1827), Frankfort (1828), and elsewhere ; and they have been the subjects of interesting essays by Henneman, Hunefeld, Westrumb. and others. At nrst the effects wore attributed to the copper vessels used in the dairies, and therefore the Austrian, Wiirtemberg, and Ratreburg states prohibited the use of that metal for uuch purposes ; but the subsequent inquiries of Hunefeld, Serturner, and other chemists, established the foot that no metallic poison was discoverable in the cheese. In the police report, which was pub- lished in Frankfort, in January, 1828, informing the public of numerous cases of poisoning in that city from spoiled cheese, it was declared that no poison- ous principle could be detected by chemical reagents. Professor Hunefeld and, subsequently, Serturner, were of opinion that the effects were due to certain poisonous fatty acids analogous to, if not identical with, caseic and sebacic acids ; and they even describe the way in which they are produced in the cheese during 'the process of ripening attributing them to the imperfect removal of the acid liquor from the curd when the cheese was made, or to the putrefac- tion of the curd before it was salted, or to the mix- ture of flour with the curd ; but it is far more likely that the poisonous effects are due, as Vanden Corput supposes, to the* presence of a peculiar mould or fungus. Purtfying Water T)y Chemical Ingredients. A scientific commission, appointed in the Neth- erlands, to investigate the practicability of puri- fying the turbid water of rivers and lakes, so as to make it fit for drinking, have submitted their report. They ascribe the prevalent tur- bidity of the Netherland waters to the pres- ence of extremely minutely divided clay, by the aid of which a great deal more of organic matter than could otherwise remain suspended is kept in such an extreme state of division as to pass through filters and deposit, even after many days of rest. The committee availed themselves of the skill and experience of Dr. J. "W. Gunning, of Amsterdam. This gentle- man had found that the perchloride of iron, added to the turbid water of the river Maas, which is an important source of supply for a considerable population of the 'Netherlands, lias the effect of rendering it perfectly whole- some and even agreeable for use : To one litre of water, 0.032 grm. of the dry salt just alluded to, and previously dissolved in pure water, are added, and, after well stirring the liquid, it is left quietly standing, to settle, for fully thirty-six hours. A series of very carefully-made experiments has proved that no free hydrochloric acid (the quantity thereof contained in the above-stated weight of per- chloride of iron only amounts to 0.021 grm.) was left in the clarified and purified water, but in order to suit the application on the large scale, and to make assur- ance doubly sure, as regards any acid or perchloride Dung left undecomposed, or rather uncombined, with the organic and inorganic matter of the water, Dr. Gunning has advised that a small, but equivalent, quantity of crystallized carbonate of soda should be also added some hours previous to beginning to take the purified water for use. At Dr. Gunning's request, o scientific gentleman of high attainments, who hap- pens to have an excellent opportunity, near Eotter- dam, to try on the large scale this process, has sub- mitted it to practical test, and a quantity of no less than about two hundred and forty thousand litres of Maas water, taken at all times of the year, has been treated by this process, and thereby rendered per- fectly fit for use, and, consumed by various parties, has proved to have been entirely deprived of its property of causing diarrhoea ; moreover, the medical officer in charge of the crew of her Majesty's corvette the Lynx, moored off Kotterdam, in the river, has applied this process to the water taken from the river, and found by experience that the thus purified water has even the good effect of restoring to health such of the crew as had been incautiously drinking the not previously purified Maas water. It is, when using this means of purifying bad. water, of great impor- tance to let the sediment quietly settle ; it occupies about four-tenths of the bulk of the water, which on the large scale will, for security's sake, be submitted to a filtration through fine well-cleansed sea-sand be- fore being sent through the mains of the large water- works intended to be established near Kotterdam for the supply of that town. The quantity of crystallized carbonate of soda which is equivalent to 0.032 grm. of dry_ perchloride of iron is 0.085 grm.; both these quantities are the maximum required to render the Maas water perfectly pure, even at the time when it animal charcoal. The result obtained with the Maas water having been so eminently successful, the com- mittee has applied this method to the purifying of water otherwise non-drinkable, such as is met with in many of the smaller canals, brooks, and also pumps yielding surface water of bad quality in many parts of the kingdom, and the results obtained are such as to justify the order that this method of purifying must be applied by authority to a class of waters which j thus treated, become available for use. The precipitate formed by the addition of the perchloride of iron and carbonate of soda, both previously dis- solved, has been proved, by accurate analysis, to con- tain a large quantity of organic matter, which, on being^ ignited with soda-lime, yielded ammonia very largely ; analysis has also proved that, as regards the Maas water, the only addition to its inorganic con- stituents is that of one part of chloride of sodium, by weight, in forty_ thousand parts of water by the ap- plication of this process. Dr. Gunning has found that the effect of the perchloride is not so conspicu- ous with some well waters containing much carbonic acid ; while, moreover, there may exist in some of these kinds of waters, either in quantity or quality, inorganic salts which delay or altogether impede the peculiar mode of flocculent precipitation observed with the above-named Maas and other waters to take place after addition of the iron salt. Phosphates in Wheat. Mr. F. Grace Oalvert, in a paper read before the British Association, gave the result of his inquiries into the amount of soluble and insoluble phosphates in wheat. The following is a tabular statement : C bran nd IL IIL 1V> Flour ' Phosphoric acid com- ) bined with sesqui- [ 0.042 0.047 0.037 0.015 0.022 oxide of iron, ) Phosphoric acid com- 1 1.485 1.259 0.657 0.329 0.047 bined with magne- 1 sia and a small f ' 144 quantity of CaO...J Phosphoric acid com- 1 ., fvr1 . n4p . ft Afia A OQn n _., bined with potash., f 1 ' 071 1 ' 046 - 459 - 280 ' 758 Total.... 2.593 2.352 1.153 0.624 0.971 1 - 942 - 918 - 529 - 080 CHILI. 97 These facts, said Mr. Calvert, tend to show that most of the phosphates contained in wheat are not combined with the organic matter, but are in a free condition ; also that the greatest part of the phosphates are soluble, and combined with potash and magnesia, while the insoluble phosphates are represented by lime, iron, with a small proportion of mag- nesia, the latter probably being a neutral phos- phate. He also claims that these analyses clearly illustrate that, although habit and pride have gradually led us to prefer white bread to brown, or more so bread made with nearly the whole of the constituents of wheat-grain, still this practice is an error when we consider the nutritious properties of wheat, especially as a food for children, when phosphates are so essen- tail to the formation of bone and blood ; and medical men would confer a great boon on society if they were to impress the importance of feeding children with a wheaten preparation in which all the constituents of the grain were preserved. These views are further supported by some very interesting researches published in the Comptes Eendus by M. M6ge Morries, in which he proved that there was in the inner cortical parts of the wheat a special ferment, which converted most rapidly starch into su- gar, and thereby facilitated the conversion of wheaten flour into bread. These observations of M. Morries led him to devise a peculiar mode of grinding wheat, and making bread from the flour thus obtained, and the results were such that, from every hundredweight of wheat, he was enabled to obtain of bread Wheat, 100. Ordinary process 70 flour, 92 bread. M. Morries 83 " 110 " This method was so satisfactorily carried out, that the Emperor of the French adopted it at the military bakery of Paris, in which bread is baked every day for 100,000 men. CHILI, a republic in South America. Presi- dent, for the term from 1866 to 1871, Jose" Joaquin Perez. The ministry, in 1869, was composed as follows: Interior and Foreign Affairs, M. L. Amunategui (appointed Novem- ber 13, 1868) ; Justice, Worship, and Instruc- tion, J. Blest Gana (1866) ; Finances, M. Con- cha y Toro (January 7, 1869) ; War and Navy> F. Echaurren (November 13, 1868); president of the Supreme Court, M. Montt. Minister of the United States in Chili, Judson Kilpatrick (since November 11, 1865). The home debt in May, 1868, amounted to 9,515,708 piasters; and * the foreign debt to 25,058,926 piasters; total debt, 34,574,634 piasters. The army is composed of troops of the line (3,709 in 1869), and of the national guards, the number of whom, according to an official document, amounted, at the close of 1868, to 50,618 men. The fleet consisted, in 1869, of ten screw-steamers. The area of Chili, according to the census of 1866, is 132,624 square miles; the population (inclusive of Araucania, Patagonia, and Terra VOL. ix. 7. A del Fuego) is 2,084,945 ; the foreigners resident in the country numbered 23,220 (among whom were 3,876 Germans, 3,092 Englishmen, 2,483 Frenchmen). The commerce of Chili during the years 1866 and 1867 was as follows: Imports. Exports. 1866 $18,760,000 $26,680,000 1867 24,860,000 30, 690,000 The number of vessels entering the Chilian ports in 1867 was 3,535, making, together, 1,724,000 tons. The merchant navy in 1865 numbered 257 vessels, together of 67,090 tons. The state of the public, treasury was not at all satisfactory when the present Minister of Finance, Concha y Toro, was appointed. He is a young and inexperienced man, has to combat with all the difficulties bequeathed to him by his predecessor, and has also to struggle with the embarrassments arising from the actual situation. The public debt of thirty- four and a half millions of hard dollars, to- gether with the deficit in the budget recently presented of a million more, rendered the posi- tion of a Minister of the Exchequer more of a trouble than an honor. Still great confidence is reposed in Sefior Concha, who assumes his office with the reputation of being a highly honorable and able man. The estimates of 1869, passed by both Houses of Congress, amount to $12,296,876.44, in the following form: Home and Foreign Depart- ment, $2,576,799.76; Justice, Eeligion, and Public Instruction, $1,337,005.03; Finance, $5,896,257.99; War and Navy, $2,486,813.66; total, $12,296,876.44. The liberal press of Chili made great exer- tions to secure the right of suffrage to all who could read and write, but the majority in Con- gress decided that only those who possessed a certain amount of property, or who were in the exercise of some profession, should be al- lowed the privilege of voting. This conserva- tive tendency appears to be mainly due to the influence of the clergy, who are almost unani- mous in the support of the Conservative party.. The long-pending question of the impeachment of the Supreme Court, for various. alleged high crimes and misdemeanors, has been finally settled, the accusations having been declared unfounded. The people, in general, heartily indorsed this decision. The desire of extensive reforms in the in- ternal condition of the country gave rise to numerous meetings, attended by the prominent members, of the Progressive party, and to the adoption of the following programme : Individual liberty shall be securely guaranteed, and the right to exercise the privileges attendant on it firmly established. Local government shall be invested with that com- plete independence necessary for the thorough execu- tion of its prerogatives. The different branches of government shall "be in- dependent of each other ; those invested with power shall be responsible for their actions^ and measure* in relation to this independence shall be adopted. 98 CHILL All persons shall be equal before the law. and all distinctions and privileges shall be abolished that now exist to the detriment of some and the advantage of others. The club pledges itself to devote all its energies toward accomplishing these ends in the elections to take place in 1870. These movements induced the Government to recede somewhat from its conservative policy by removing several prefects and gov- ernors of provinces, and naming in their places some of the foremost of the Progressive party. The three parties the Conservative, National, and Liberal have, however, so combined, and changed their idea* and principles, that it is extremely difficult to define their particular positions. The object of the present political struggle is to reduce the immense personal patronage in the hands of the President, and to establish a more democratic system. Chili, with a population of nearly two millions, has never polled more than 30,000 votes, whereas the adoption of the principles of the Progressive party would swell the number of persons enti- tled to suffrage to at least 200,000. The Government of Chili declared itself ready to put an end to the paper war with Spain. Smarting with the shame of the Val- paraiso bombardment, and jealous of the glories acquired by Peru in the repulse of the Spanish fleet, Chili refused all advances made by friend- ly nations to arrange a final peace, until, urged by Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador, the Govern- ment consented to the plan proposed by the United States, that plenipotentiaries from all the belligerent powers should meet* at Wash- ington, and there settle all their differences, the President of the United States assuming the position of mediator in case any difficulty should arise. The operations against the Indians of Arau- cania again engaged the serious attention of the Government. The Chilians found the savages fully determined to prevent the occu- pation of their territory by the white settlers, and to leave no means unemployed to attain this end. These savages never offer or give battle unless their numbers are superior to those of their enemy. In the beginning of 1869 the Government troops acted almost entirely on the defensive, their numbers being small, and the line of frontier to be defended very extensive. Thus the Indians were emboldened to make several desperate and successful in- roads on their enemy's country. Unfortunate- ly, the cruelties practised by the Indians seem to have been imitated by their opponents. In one attack, the savages met with complete suc- cess. Nearly two thousand of them passed the river Mallico, precipitated themselves upon the undefended villages, and robbed, murdered, and burned all persons and property that they en- countered. In fact, their principal warfare seemed to be the increase of their live-stock by means of forced contributions from the herds of their enemies. Soon, however, the national forces adopted the same tactics. A column of about eight hundred men penetrated into the Araucanian country, and succeeded in capturing an enormous number of cattle and sheep. The general commanding communi- cated this feat in a most glowing report to the Minister of War. Far from being discouraged, the savages showed themselves more deter- mined to carry devastation into the regions held by the settlers. The operations of the Government forces having been temporarily suspended, owing to the almost insuperable difficulties of transportation in that region during winter, the Indians reappeared in force along the frontier. In the latter part of the year 1869 the efforts to bring about a better understanding between the Chilians and the Araucanians appear to have met with success. Some Araucanian caziques were induced to visit the capital for this purpose. During their stay in Santiago they were the recipients of every mark of atten- tion from the Government and private persons, being decorated with medals, and dressed in military uniform, they comported themselves very much as the red-men of the United States do when they visit the Great Father at Wash- ington, and imbibed astonishing quantities of spirituous liquor on all available occasions. They returned to their own country with the avowed intention of leading peaceable and industrious lives, and, in proof of their sincerity, left their eldest male children in Santiago to be educated at the national expense. In the parting address to the President of the republic, all sorts of fine promises were made by the chiefs; but the President, well acquainted with their character, assured them, very emphatically, that the least deviation from the path of duty would be followed by their complete extermination a threat which, after having seen the strength of the Govern- ment, evidently impressed them. One was presented a huge oaken bludgeon, ornamented with silver and tassels, and was informed that the Government regarded him as the chief of the tribes, and that with his insignia of office he was expected to preserve order among his hitherto unruly brethren. This he promised faithfully to do. A sum of $250,000 has been voted by Congress to establish permanent mili- tary posts among these savages. Chili is progressing favorably in industrial pursuits. Many efforts were made to render the great Agricultural Exhibition a fine suc- cess, and liberal premiums were offered to foreign manufacturers for the best classes of agricultural implements. The Exhibition was formally opened at Santiago on the 5th of May, in the presence of the President and Cabinet, the diplomatic and consular corps, and the most distinguished inhabitants of the capital. The different South American republics were well represented. Chili was foremost with her wheat and copper-ores ; Peru sent a superb collection of sugar samples, together with the famed alpaca-wool, quinine, and silver- ore ; CHILI. CHINA. 99 Bolivia contributed ores, principally silver and tin; Ecuador cocoa; while the Central American States displayed dyewoods, coffee, and drugs. As to machinery, England took the lead, then came France, and finally the United States. There were nearly three hun- dred machines for agricultural and mining pur- poses. The Exhibition was successful. Almost all the machines were sold to farmers and miners in the republic. To promote industry and commerce, Congress passed a bill pro- roguing for one year the powers conferred upon the President of the republic by the law of the 13th of December, 1862, for the con- struction of the Chilian, Concepcion, and Tal- cahuano Kailway; and further, to submit to arbitration, by and with the consent of the Council of State, all questions arising out of the contract that may be entered into for the construction of the said railway; also a bill empowering the President of the republic to call for tenders, and enter into contracts for the construction of a branch line of railway from Llaillai to San Felipe, according to the estimates, plans, and specifications formed by William Barre", 0. E. The cost of the con- struction of the line is to be paid for in govern- ment bonds, the rate of interest upon which is not to exceed six per cent, per annum, payable half-yearly, and redeemable in thirty or more years, at not exceeding par, the right of in- creasing the redemption fund being reserved to the state. The same bill empowers the President of the republic, as soon as the be- fore-mentioned line is concluded, to order its prolongation as far as Santa Eosa, in the man- ner and form already described. The Govern- ment declared also all materials to be used in the construction and repair of vessels free of import duty, which measure will add consider- ably to the prosperity and importance of Val- paraiso. The works on the railway between Chilian and Talcahuano were commenced, and were expected to be finished in two years. Considerable discoveries of copper were re- ported to have taken place at Mejillones. Rather an important society has been recent- ly formed in Chili, with the object of export- ing the valuable animals found in the country, and importing those from foreign countries not yet known. The association numbers among its members several of the most influential men in the country, and will doubtless be productive of great good. The following data will give some idea of the importance of the movement of Chil- ian commerce during the year 1868 : In 1867 47,755 custom-house policies were issued, against 59,244 in 1868, leaving in favor of the last year a balance of nearly 11,500; 1,278 ships have entered the Chilian ports, against 1,100 in 1867. The receipts of the custom- house in Valparaiso amounted to the consider- able sum of $5,500,000, nearly $1,000,000 more than in the preceding year. In Chili business is but little affected by the political events which may transpire. The commercial interests of the country being al- most entirely in the hands of foreigners, who never mix in political matters, their course is not changed by the action of Congress or of the Executive, the business community having suf- ficient influence to prevent the passage of any measures that would prove hurtful to them ; and, as the large transactions in copper prod- uce, which, with grain, constitute the great exports of the republic, are also controlled, in the main, by foreigners, no injury is received from executive proceedings. CHINA,* an empire in Eastern Asia. Em- peror, T'ung-Chet (before his accession to the throne, Tsai-Sung), born April 21, 1856 ; suc- ceeded his father, Hieng-Fund, August 22, 1861. The estimates of the area of China Proper vary from 1,294,000 to 1,548,000 Eng- lish square miles ; and of the area of the depen- dencies of China, from 3,012,000 to 3,118,000 English square miles. The total area of China and dependencies is given by Behm (Geograph. Jdhrbuch, vol. ii.) as 4,695,334 square miles. The population of China Proper is estimated at 450,000,000; of Mantchooria, 3,000,000; Mongolia, 3,000,000; Thian-Shan-nanlu and Thian-Shan-pelu, together, 1,000,000; Thibet, 11,000,000; Corea, 9,000,000; the Loo-Choo Islands, 500,000. The total population of China and dependencies would therefore be about 477,500,000. At the head of the depart- ment of Foreign Affairs is Prince Kung, an uncle of the Emperor. The empire is divided into eighteen provinces, each of which has a particular administration, army and finances. Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Pleni- potentiary to the Treaty Powers, Hon. Anson Burlingame, Chih-Kang, and Sun-Chia-Ku. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- tentiary of the United States in Peking, Hon. F. W. Low, appointed in 1869. Notwithstanding the endeavor of the Chinese Government to enter into more satisfactory re- lations with foreign powers, the last year has exhibited a continuance of hostile actions and feelings between the Chinese and foreign resi- dents, in particular the English. The dif- ficulty which in 1868 J had occurred at Yang- Chow was settled by the dismissal of the local officers at Yang-Chow, and damages for destruction of property of the missionary, as- sessed at 1,826 taels, were promptly paid. The missionary and his family were formally invited to return to Yang-Chow, and a tablet of stone has been erected at the front door of the mission with the following inscription : THE PREFECT OF YANG-CHOW. Whereas, this house has been rented by the British subject Taylor, * See AMERICAN ANNUAL CYCLOPAEDIA for 1868, for an account of the nrmv, of commercial statistics, and the movement of shipping. t At first (1861) the name Ki-Tsiang was selected for the new government (see the preceding volumes of the AMERICAN ANNUAL CYCLOPAEDIA), but it has subsequent- ly been changed into Tung-Che, which signifies " United % Se'e AMEHICAN ANNUAL CYCLOPAEDIA for 1868. 100 CHINA. under the sanction of his consul and the local author- ities no idle or improper persons are allowed to enter or create a disturbance. Offenders will be arrested and punished. Obey with trembling ! A proclamation was issued by the highest officials of the province, which has^ been printed and widely circulated, a translation of which is as follows : Ma, Governor-General of the two Kiang Provinces, imperial commissioner, etc.; Tseng-quo-fan, late Governor-General of the two Kiang Provinces, im- perial commissioner, etc. ; Ting, Governor of Kiang Su, hereby issue a proclamation for general inlorma- tion : Whereas, the preaching of religion is sanctioned by treaty, and all persons are at liberty to become prose- lytes thereto as it suits their convenience, without compulsion either for or against ; we therefore issue this proclamation to give the population, civil and military, of these districts to know that it is required of them that they carefully observe the treaty which has been concluded by our most gracious sovereign the Emperor, and that they must not annoy religious establishments, nor raise pretexts j nor must they treat foreign travelers with wanton disrespect. Every wilful offender will certainly be visited with heavy punishment, without hope of pardon. Obey with trembling ! A special proclamation, 27th day, 9th month, 7th year of the Emperor T'ung-Che. Earl Clarendon took occasion to define the views of the English Government concerning its relation to China, in a letter to Mr. Burlin- game, in which it is declared that Her Majesty's Government fully admitted that the Chinese Government were entitled to count upon the forbearance of foreign nations, and I assured you that, as far as their country was concerned, there was neither a desire nor intention to apply unfriendly pressure to China to induce her Government to advance more rapidly in her intercourse with foreign nations than was consistent with safety, and with due and reasonable regard for the feelings of her subjects. But her Majesty's Government expected from China a faithful observance of the stipulations of existing treaties, and reserved to themselves the right of employing friendly representations to induce the Chinese Government to advance in the course opened up by those treaties, and to afford greater facilities, and encouragement, and protection, to the subjects of foreign powers seeking to extend com- mercial intercourse with the Chinese people. Her Majesty's Government feel that they may fairly ap- peal to the Chinese Government, though always in terms of friendship, to act in this spirit toward them- selves and other foreign nations ; and they would do so with the more confidence because they may be excused for believing that the interests of China will be advanced in a far greater degree than those of foreign nations, by steadily availing herself of the opportunities within her reach for applying to her empire the skill and experience of the nations of Europe. _ But her Majesty's Government are, more- over, entitled to expect from China as an indispensa- ble condition of their good-will, the fullest amount of protection to British subjects resorting to her do- minions. They are aware that the provincial gov- ernors are too often in the habit of disregarding the rights of foreigners, trusting to impunity as regards the^Central Government ot Peking, and to the un- willingness of foreign powers to assert the rights of their subjects by local pressure. Her Majesty's Gov- ernment feel that they are acting in the interest of the Chinese Empire, when they announce their preference for an appeal rather to the Central Govern- ment than to local authorities for the redress of wrongs done to British subjects. It is with the Cen- tral Government and not with the provincial author- ities that foreign powers have entered into treaties, and it is for the interest of the Central Government that foreign powers should recognize its supreme au- thority over its provincial governors, and that the Central Government should assume, and, on all oc- casions when appealed to ^for the redress of local wrongs, be prepared to exercise that authority. These observations will, I trust, enable you to reassure the Government of Peking as to the friendly feelings en- tertained toward it by the British Government. It rests with the Central Government so to order its in- tercourse with Great Britain and the Queen's subjects as to avoid cause of difference, and to preserve unim- paired the friendship of this country. I have only to add, that all her Majesty's agents in China have been instructed to act in the spirit and with the ob- jects which I have thus explained to you ; and gen- erally to caution British subjects to pay due respect not only to the laws of the empire, but, as far as may be, to the usages and feelings of the Chinese people. Lord Stanley also declared, in January, 1869, to the English ambassador, Alcock, in still more emphatic terms, the desire of the Gov- ernment for fair dealing with the Chinese, and censured the arbitrary measures taken by the English officers in China, saying : I have to instruct you to explain to her Majesty's consuls that the special purposes for which her Ma- jesty's ships-of-war are stationed in the ports of China, and employed on the coasts, are to protect the floating commerce of British subjects against pi- ratical attacks in Chinese waters, to support her Ma- jesty's consuls in maintaining order and discipline among the crews of British vessels, in the respective ports, and, in cases of great emergency, to protect the lives and properties of British subjects, if placed in peril by wanton attacks directed against them either on the part of local authorities or by an uncontrolled popular movement. As regards this last point, her Majesty's consuls must constantly bear hi mind that the interference of naval force, either on their repre- sentation, or on the part of naval officers acting on their own estimation of facts before them, will alone receive the subsequent approval of her Majesty's Government, when it is clearly shown that without such interference the lives and properties of British subjects would, in all probability, nave been sacri- ficed; and, even in such, a case, ner Majesty's Gov- ernment will expect to learn that the alternative of receiving them on board ship, and so extricating them from threatened danger, was not available. Beyond this, the circumstances of the case must be of a very peculiar nature which would be held by her Majesty's Government to justify a recourse to force. Her Majesty's Government cannot leave with her Majesty's consuls or naval officers to determine for themselves what redress or reparation for wrong done to British, subjects is due, or by what means it should be enforced. They cannot allow them to determine whether coercion is to be applied by blockade, by re- prisals, by landing armed parties, or by acts of even a more hostile character. All such, proceedings bear more or less the character of acts of war, and her Majesty's Government cannot delegate to her Majes- ty's servants in foreign countries the power of involv- ing their own country in war. My dispatches to which I have referred will have enabled you to point out in unmistakable terms to her Majesty's consuls the course they are to pursue when an emergency calling for immediate action as the sole means of pro- tecting British life and property has passed away. They must appeal to her Majesty's minister at Peking, to obtain redress through the action of the Central Government ; and he, on his part, if he fails to obtain it, will gubmit the case for the judgment of her Majesty's Government, with whom alone it rests to decide as to the course to be thereupon pursued. I shall furnish the Board of Admiralty with a copy of this dispatch, in order that they may send corre- CHINA. 101 spending instructions to the admiral in the China Seas. The overbearing and insulting policy pursued by some English officials and navy commanders in China met with an emphatic rebuke not only on the part of the Government, but also of the English people. The Times said : It is the duty, recognized not merely in theory but in practice, of our minister at Peking to be the me- dium for the assertion of the rights of British sub- jects in China. A British commander would be bound to protect his countrymen against actual or threatened violence, just as it is the duty of individ- uals in this' country, though they be not police con- stables, to prevent murder. But he has no more title to set on foot an armed negotiation with Chinese officials on his countrymen's behalf than an individ- ual at home has, after witnessing a murder, to put the murderer to death. If he would have had those functions formerly, the appointment by his Govern- ment of a resident plenipotentiary to the court of Pekin must be taken to have amounted to an abdica- tion by his Government of such a right for the future. It cannot be disguised, too, that conduct like that referred to might, in times of international agitation, lead to grave embarrassments in the relations also between Great Britain and the other nations inter- ested in China. France, the United States, and Russia, we are told, would claim it as a fair inference from English acts and declarations of the past few years, that this country had given up the system of isolated interference in tho affairs of China. It may be doubted how far, if at all, we can be considered to have pledged ourselves to any such policy of " co- operation;" but it is, at all events, inexpedient to countenance a course or action on the part of our naval officers which, imitated as it would be by those of our allies, might put the peace, not of China alone, but of Europe and America, at the mercy of the dis- cretion of any two captains who might find their theories at variance as to the right and duty of pun- ishing some offending Chinese mandarin for his con- duct to the countrymen of one of them. Another serious collision took place in Janu- ary, very soon after the Yang-Chow difficulty, at Swatow, between the Chinese inhabitants and the crew of the British gunboat Grasshop- per. The fight appears to have been obstinate and bloody. The sailors fought desperately, but were overwhelmed by the natives, whose numbers constantly increased, and they were compelled to retire to their ship with eleven of their number wounded. Many Chinese were killed and wounded in the affray. The Chinese, immediately on the boats retiring, as- sisted by the inhabitants of the surrounding villages, began to build substantial mud forts and armed to the number of six thousand men. Placards were posted all through the city of Swatow offering a reward of fifty dollars for every European head. Lieutenant Kerr imme- diately sent notice of these proceedings to the admiral at Hong-Kong, and the British ships- of-war Rinaldo, Perseus, Leven, and Bouncer, were sent up to the scene of the trouble. On the morning of the 29th, at four o'clock, a force of four hundred and fifty men, consisting of the Rodney's marines and blue-jackets from all the other vessels, started* under the command of Commodore Jones, and landed at daylight near Swatow. They then marched into the country and burned three villages, one of them being the place where the men of the Cockchafer were fired upon. The natives offered a bold resistance, and the work of firing and de- stroying the villages was not accomplished without some considerable loss on the part of the natives and two casualties on the Eng- lish side. There was another though less serious trou- ble at Foo-Chow, originating, according to some accounts, in an indiscreet zeal of the mission- aries. Another very serious difficulty occurred between the English subjects on the island of Formosa and the Chinese residents there. There is considerable trade between the island and the main -land in 'camphor, one of the prod- ucts of the island, and principally collected in that portion of the island occupied by the aborigines. Some English traders purchased a quantity of camphor in the interior, which was seized, by order of the mandarins, in transitu to the port of shipment, under some flimsy pre- text. In addition to this, some English mis- sionaries were insulted and improperly treated. A demand was made by the English consul for redress and the immediate delivery of the cam- phor, which was refused. Some English ships- of-war went there, and landed troops in the face of a large Chinese force, and killed a num- ber of them, when the Chinese came to terms, paid damages, and apologized. The hostility of the Chinese to the mission- aries seems to be on the increase. A placard, extensively posted up throughout the empire, denounced the missionaries in violent terms. The people of the United States have in- creasing interests in China. The establishment of direct steamship lines connecting the west- ern coasts of the United States with China, and the completion of the Pacific Railroad, have contributed largely to extend all the ram- ifications of trade with Eastern Asia. The in- crease of this international trade, which prom- ises for the future grand results, imparts a special importance to the treaty ports, and we therefore subjoin a brief geographical and sta- tistical statement * of their condition in 1869 : 1. Foo-Choio is the capital of the province of Fo-Kien, and situated on the left bank of the river Min, quite a distance inland from its mouth. The population of the province of Fo-Kien is estimated at twenty million. It is one of the most important sections of China, and is politically united with the province of Tse-Kiang, under a governor whose official residence is at Foo-Chow. Fo-Kien has an extent of coast-line of one hundred and thirty geographical miles, and includes, besides the principal port named, the following other treaty-ports : Amoy, Ningpo, Tamsin, and Tai-Wan-Foo. The last two are on the island of Formosa, which forms a part of the prov- ince of Fo-Kien, and extends along the coast, from which it is separated by the Formosa Channel. The .inhabitants of Fo-Kien and * Condensed from a very full account in the New York Herald. 102 CHINA. Formosa are very industrious and much more energetic than those of any other Chinese province, excepting, perhaps, Tartary. The country is mountainous but fertile, and the chief products are sugar and tea. The river Min, with its many navigable tributaries, fur- nishes an easy and cheap means of transporta- tion to and from the interior. Foreign vessels anchor in the river a distance of over ten miles below the city of Foo-Chow, opposite Pagoda Island, and goods are exchanged on lighters be- tween the vessels and the city. Like all Chi- nese cities, the principal part of the town is surrounded by a wall, and, including the sub- urbs and the literally " floating population " living in boats on the river, it numbers about eight hundred thousand inhabitants. For- eigners occupy the right bank of the Min, and have extended over the adjoining hills and into the principal suburb. A large bridge, built of solid masonry, connects the two river-banks, and the foreign with the native population. This foreign colony, though spread over a pro- portionately vast area of ground, is but small, consisting of but about two hundred persons, half of whom are English, the rest composed of Americans, Germans, Portuguese, and Parsees. The climate is considered healthy, but all for- eigners need careful protection from the in- tense heat of summer, which ranges from 78 to 105 Fahrenheit, and is never below ten degrees above zero in winter. 2. Han-Kow. This city is in the centre of the province Hu-Peh, on the Yang-tse-Kiang, or Blue River, the most important river of the empire. It is situated about 600 miles from the mouth of the Yang-tse-Kiang, and splendid steamers ply on its waters from this city to the coast. The distance from Shanghai to the three open ports on the Yang-tse-Kiang is as follows: Tsin-Kiang, 150^- miles; Kin-Kiang, 445 miles, and Han-Kow, 582 miles. Steam- boats of the first class make the trip from Shanghai to Han-Kow generally in three days, and remain for about six hours at each of the ports between Tsin-Kiang and Kin-Kiang. Slower boats take five days for the trip. The downward trips are generally made in forty- eight hours. The fares for passage are as follows: to Tsin-Kiang, twenty-five taels; to Kin-Kiang, fifty taels; to Han-Kow, sixty taels; for the trip to Han-Kow and return, 100 taels a tael being about equal to $1.48, gold, of American money. These three cities, of which the two largest have each 600,000 in- habitants, compose one centre of population. A very large number of Chinese boats are al- ways on the river Yang-tse-Kiang and on the Han, and keep np constant communication with the various points. The very favorable location of Han-Kow, almost in the centre of China Proper, and its facilities of communica- tion with the surrounding populous and very productive districts, by means of an extended net of lakes, rivers, and canals, have given its commerce great activity and importance. The customs return for the last year reports the trade of Han-Kow as follows : Taels. Foreign goods imported 10,294,656 Chinese " f ' 7,836,033 Exports, 12,406,332 Total 30,537,026 3. Canton. This port lies on the left bank of Pearl River, about sixty miles from the coast, in the province of Kwang-Tong, of which it is the capital. The mouths of the Pearl River, at the eastern end of which is situated Hong- Kong, and on the west Macao, are the grandest, on account of their extent and of the numerous islands. The steamers from Hong-Kong and Macao pass here daily, and so also do innumer- able Chinese junks. By the Pearl River, its tributaries and over the many canals with which this portion of China is richly inter- sected, Canton has constant communication with the surrounding tea and silk districts, and with other fertile provinces near Twang- Tong, such as Kwang-Si, Hun-Nan, and Kiang- Si. Since Nanking has been destroyed by the Taepings, and Peking has entered a downward course, Canton is assuming the proportions of the first city of the empire. Its population is estimated at 1,000,000 inhabitants, and it is the residence of the governor of the two prov- inces Kwang-Tong and Kwang-Si. It has fully recovered from the devastations caused by the hostile incursions of "outside barbarians." Though the first port opened to foreign trade, it has preserved its Chinese character. The foreign merchants own nearly the entire river- shore at Ho-Nam, but they also have acquired land on the right bank, where they have erected large and splendid stone quays. The permanent foreign colony of Canton numbered, in 1869, about 100 persons, and among the mercantile firms were five American, nine English, and four German. Steamers only are permitted to land opposite the city; foreign sailing vessels must anchor at Wampoa, twelve miles below Canton. The opening of other more northern ports, principally of that of Han-Kow, has considerably reduced the com- merce of Canton, since the products of the cen- tral provinces, which formerly passed through the latter city, now find their way in a large proportion through Han-Kow and similarly situated ports. 4. Kin-Kiang. Next to Han-Kow, in point of importance among the ports open to the for- eign trade on the Yang-tse-Kiang, stands un- doubtedly Kin-Kiang, 445 miles from Shanghai and 137 from Han-Kow, on the northern point of the province of Kiang-Si. From here a con- tinuous exchange of products is carried on with the interior over the lake Pa-Jang to the south and over the many rivers and canals which are such great aids to the interior commerce of China throughout the empire. The chief products- of this province are tea, tobacco, hemp, paper, porcelain, grass-cloth (made of cotton and flax), paints, wax, etc. Up to with- CHINA. 103 in a short time Kin-Kiang had 500,000 in- habitants and was considered very wealthy. But its occupation by the rebels and the war between them and the imperialists have almost ruined the city. Since its opening to foreign trade, in 1861, numbers of the former inhabit- ants have returned, and the part which extends from the foreign establishments on the western bank of the river to the old city has been re- built. The present Chinese population is esti- mated at 50,000, and is rapidly on the increase. There are not over fifty foreigners permanently located here, including the customs officers and the British consulate. The customs returns for last year give: Taels. Foreign goods imported 2,636,381 Chinese " *' 865,468 Exports, 4,358,760 Total T,860,609 5. Amoy. This city is located on the island of Hia-Mun, near the southeastern coast of the province Fo-Kien, and opposite the mouth of the Lung-Kiang, or Dragon River. The popu- lation of Amoy is estimated at 300,000, and that of the whole island Hia-Mun, with a 'cir- cumference of thirty-six miles, at 400,000 souls. It is separated from the main-land by a channel about two miles in width. The harbor of Amoy is one of easiest access in all China, and has been preferred by foreigners for centuries. The security of the harbor has con- tributed much to the development of its trade. The environs of the city are thickly settled, and the people are industrious, active, and enterprising. The population increases rapidly, and Chinese emigration draws from here its heaviest percentage. The cities of Amoy and Chin-Chow the latter the seat of the depart- mental government are celebrated for cen- turies for sending out mercantile expeditions to the Indian archipelago, to Hindostan, and even to Persia. Tea and sugar are the staple products of these districts. The dressing of cotton goods has reached to a high perfection, and this branch of industry has kept pace with the imports from Manchester. The foreign establishments are partly in the Chinese city, partly on the small islet of Kon-Lang-Foo, southeast of Hia-Mun, and separated from the latter by a channel only 675 yards wide. 6. Ning-Po. This is one of the five ports opened to foreigners by the treaty of Nanking in 1842. It lies in the province Che-Kiang, at the confluence of two streams, which form the river Jong. It has now a population of 500,000, and is rated as one of 'the best-built cities in China. The European establishment, where all foreign vessels cast anchor, is on the left bank of the Jong, opposite Ning-Po, and connected with it by a wooden bridge. This foreign settle- ment has greatly increased since A861, when Taepings took possession of Ning-Po, and many Chinese moved among the foreigners for better security, and who have since remained there. In the year 18 05 there were fifty-one foreign mercantile firms at Ning-Po, of whom two were American, forty-three English, five Ger- man, and one French. The climate is con- sidered much more healthy than that of Shanghai. 7. Swatow. This port is situated at the mouth of the river Han, in the northeastern part of the province of Kwang-Tong, and it is the harbor of two large inland cities Cho- Chow-Foo, thirty-five miles up the river, and San-Ho-Pa, forty miles farther. Foreigners first formed a settlement near Swatow in 1851, and, though tolerated by the mandarins, were not recognized. This settle- ment was on Double Island, four miles from Swatow. The port was formerly opened in 1858 by the treaty of Tien-Tsin, but advantage was taken of this by the establishment of a permanent colony only in 1862. Commerce is rapidly developing and increasing. Unfor- tunately, however, this portion of China is possessed with a thorough hatred of Europe- ans, which was stimulated by the tricks and practices of those engaged in the coolie trade. Lately a better disposition has been manifested by the natives, particularly toward Americans, and the opening of a steamboat line from Swatow to Cho-Chow-Foo and other interior cities along the Han, under the auspices of American enterprise and capital, will be of great benefit for the further development of this port and its commerce. 8. Tien-Tsin. This city and harbor were opened to foreign commercial enterprise and navigation by the October treaties in 1860. Tien-Tsin is situated in the province of Pe-chi- li, at the junction of the Grand Canal with the river Pei-ho, twenty-eight miles, in a di- rect line from Ta-Ku, the mouth of the river, and sixty miles from Peking. The products of the provinces of Pe-chi-li and Chan-Si, which pass through Tien-Tsin for exchange, are cotton, beans, dates, horns, dried lily-leaves, hides, furs, soap, gensing, wax, wool, camel-hair, etc. Mineral ore is abun- dant, and coal beds of great richness and extent. Since the opening of this port to foreign trade it has rapidly developed and increased. The foreign establishments are located mostly on the left bank of the Pei-ho. The settlement of foreigners or of foreign firms was not as ex- tensive as might have been, since the major part of the trade of Tien-Tsin is carried on through the old-established houses at Shanghai. At the close of 1866 only sixteen foreign firms had established themselves one American, nine English, four Russian, one German, and one Italian. 9. Che-Foo. This harbor is easily accessible and very safe. It lies north of Cape Chan- tung, and in the entrance to the Gulf of Pe- chee-le. In the treaty of 1860, Fung-Chow, the capital of the department, was designated as an open port, but, as it had no harbor and only an open road, Che-Foo, thirty miles to the east, was substituted, though the proper name of 104 CHINA. the place where the foreign establishments have made their settlement is Jen-Hai, where there is a small town of about 10,000 inhabit- ants. The province of Chan-Tung is the most fertile of the northern provinces of China, From the south to the north it is bisected by the Great Canal. Its products are cereals, to- bacco, beans, peas, oil, cotton, drugs, raw silk, etc., minerals of various kinds, and lead and coal in great quantities, the latter especially, near the city of Che-Foo. This is the only harbor on the gulf of Pe-chee-lee which remains open throughout the winter. The chief means of transport on this road are mules and cam- els, but a large part of the trade is also carried on by the way of the river Ta-Tsing, which empties into the gulf of Pe-chee-lee at Che-Foo. Foreign trade is rapidly increasing, and it ap- pears that here, more than in many other places in the empire, a neighborly intercourse between the resident foreigners and the Chi- nese exists, since the latter are building their houses arid magazines without reserve among and around the residences and warerooms of the Europeans. 10. Win- Chang. This is the only open port, included in the treaty of Tien-Tsin of 1860, which is situated beyond the limits of China Proper. It is located on ' the coast of Mantchooria, in the province of Tung-Tien. The foreign colonists have settled not at Nin- Chang, but at the mouth of the river Lian, on the gulf of Lian-Tung, which is connected by a channel with the gulf of Pe-chee-lee. The city of Nin-Chang is thirty miles from this foreign settlement. Farther in the interior is the capital of the province, the city Muk-Den, the chief centre of thetrade of Mantchooria with China. The colony of foreigners is yet but small, as, at the close of 1866, there were but one American, two English, and one German firm established. The country around Nin- Chang is low and open, but well tilled and dotted with villages and dwellings. The chief products are hemp, corn, cotton, beans, peas, ginseng, drugs, horns, camel-hair, etc. In the winter, when field-work is impossible, the people form into large caravans and transport the fruit of their summer's toil on carts farther south. 11. Ta-Kow and Tai- Wan-Foo. These places are situated on the island of Formosa, and, though at a distance of twenty-five miles, they are in fact but one port. Tai- Wan-Foo is the principal city of the department of Formosa, on the western coast of the island, and con- tains 100,000 inhabitants. It maintains a very extensive trade in junks, but, as its open roads protect the shipping only from northern winds, foreign vessels come to anchor at Ta-Kow, far- ther south, which was opened in 1864. The harbor is a good one, but small, and at its entrance is a bar with but seventeen feet of water at ebb tide. Ta-Kow is but an insignifi- cant place, and the foreign settlement is also very small, but the Roman Catholics have a mission there, consisting of monks of the Do- minican order. Sugar, rice, oil, hemp, salt, etc., constitute the principal products of the island. The climate is very warm, but healthy. 12. Nanking and Kiung-Cliow. According to the treaties, the cities of Nanking, on the river Yang-tse-Kiang, and of Kiung-Chow, on the island of Hai-Nan, were also to be opened to foreign commerce; but the very limited commercial importance of these places has de- cided differently. Nanking, the former capital of China, was for over ten years (1853-1864) in the possession of the Taepings. Since the recapture of this city, in 1864, the Imperial Government made Nankin the capital of the province of Kiang-Nin and the residence of the viceroy of both the Kiangs. Every effort was made to induce the former inhabitants to return, but the progress is so slow that many years will pass before this city, once the chief of all the cities of China, can again be said to be on the road to future prosperity and greatness. 13. Hong-Kong. The island which bears this name has a circuit of from twenty-six to twenty-seven miles, is very mountainous, and contained, in 1842, when it was ceded to Eng- land, only a few villages of Chinese fishermen. To-day the beautiful city of Victoria, on the northern shore, opposite the bay of Hong- Kong, rises amphitheatrically along the moun- tains, into the rocks of which the streets have been hewn. Indeed, the building of the city is in itself one of the wonders of the age. There are steam lines connecting with New York by way of San Francisco, and also by Panama; with Europe, by way of the Eed Sea and the Isthmus of Suez ; with Australia, by Japan ; with Canton, Macao, S watow, Amoy, Foo-Chow, Shanghai, Manila, and with Singa- pore, Calcutta, and Bombay. The people of China are becoming alive to the advantages of steam, and the steamboats of the Yang-tse are freighted by native mer- chants and loaded with native passengers, and will soon bo owned and managed by native owners. The building of junks has nearly ceased, and, as the steamboat comes along, the . junks will disappear. The Yangtse is equal to the Mississippi in extent, in climate, in re- sources, and has the immeasurable advantage of having over 150,000,000 of industrious and productive people near its navigable waters. The Upper Yang-tse is in the same condition that the Upper Mississippi and the Upper Mis- souri were before steamboats had penetrated their waters, except that this region has the advantage of a redundant population. The transportation by steam upon the Yang-tse is exclusively in the hands of a com- pany organized in China as the "Shanghai Steam Navigation Company." The service is performed at present by six large river steam- ers, and the trade must be very lucrative, as they have been able in a very few years to pay for the steamers, declare a stock-dividend of fifty per cent., and earn annually about CHINA. 105 $1,000,000 on a capital of little over that sum invested in steamboats, wharf property, etc. The supply of coal has heen ascertained by geological examinations to be abundant in the provinces bordering on the Yang-tse-Kiang. The coal-fields of China are estimated as equal in extent to those of the United States. The commercial intercourse between China and the foreign countries is growing so im- portant that many consider the opening of more ports advisable. The Hong-Kong Cham- ber of Commerce has, however, advised against it, for the following reasons : With regard to the question of opening more j>orts on the coast, this Chamber, while desirous of en- couraging in every way possible commercial inter- course between foreigners and Chinese, hesitates, while the system of transit dues continues upon its present unsatisfactory footing, to recommend such a step, and would record as its opinion that greater benefits would accrue to foreign trade by the greater freedom of transit of goods into the interior, such as would be obtained by the introduction of railways and permission to navigate the inland waters of China by steamers. The inlets now afforded ^by the ports at present open to trade are, in the opinion of this Chamber, quite sufficient, with the present deficient state of the transit system. The first stej) should, the Chamber thinks, be directed toward the improve- ment of that system and the development of inland communication, before further expenses are entailed in establishing consula restablishraents upon the sea- board of China. While a large emigration of Chinese is mov- ing eastward to the gold and grain regions of California, and the Pacific slope generally, the Mantchoo race is being rapidly replaced in Central and Northern Mantchooria by Chinese immigration, favored by the Peking Govern- ment, which makes grants of land at almost nominal prices. The Chinese race develop in Mantchooria, under a more hardy climate, into a healthier and stronger race. Many Mussul- mans have also been attracted thither, between whom and the Chinese no fellowship exists. Kirin, the capital of Central Mantchooria, is navigable for junks to a considerable distance above the city. This district of country is bounded on the south by the Yellow Sea, the Chih-le Gulf, and the Great Wall ; on the east by the Yaluh, which separates it from Corea, and by the Usuri, which separates it from the portion of the Russian seaboard territory that lies south of the Amoor ; on the north by the Amoor, and on the west by the King- gan mountain-range. The race connected with this great district and neighboring countries, the East Asian race, have for two thousand years recognized one suzerain, the Hwang- te, called by Western foreigners the Em- peror of China, but he is not merely sov- ereign of the Chinese nation. He is supreme also in religious or sacerdotal aifairs, so far as Confucianism deals with these; and his su- premacy is acknowledged e^en in the prevalent idolatries of Taouism and Buddhism, on whose idols and temples he confers highly-prized honorary distinctions. He is "the Son of Heaven," the divinely commissioned represent- ative on earth of the supreme heavenly power. The Hwang-te has the right of nominating his successor, but the nominee is bound to secure peace and plenty to the people by good govern- ment, in accordance with the principles laid down in the sacred books ; and, should he fail to do so, that fact is regarded as a proof that Heaven has withdrawn the divine commission from him. The political significance of the Mantchoos, a numerically small nation, inhabit- ing a region bound up by severe frosts for four or five months of the year, rests in the fact that for the last two centuries the Hwang-te has been, as he is now, a member of one and the same Mantchoo family, and that no dynasty of Hwang-tes has had more complete possession of the actual governing power. The family has a legendary origin in an immaculate-conceived personage, the son of a "heavenly virgin," who appeared at Ningkoota, on tbe north of the Long White Mountains, before the time of Ghengis Khan. The subjugation of China Proper to Mantchoo sway has- reacted on that people. The bulk of the Mantchoo nation migrated into China, and the Chinese natives of Shan-tung and Chih-le proceeded into the western parts of Mantchooria and eastern Mongolia, and settled there as traders, artifi- cers, and agriculturists. A sort of finishing blow has been given to the Mantchoos as a dis- tinct nation by recent large draftings of troops to oppose the Taepings, and later rebel bodies in China Proper. The wonderful success of the Mantchoo nation two hundred years ago has, in short, led to their being nearly merged in the Chinese. With regard to Eastern Mongo- lia, the people, though still only pastoral, have ceased to be nomads, and the residences of the dukes and princes of Eastern Mongolia are spacious stone and brick mansions, some of them surpassing the country-seats of wealthy Chinese landed proprietors, and the yamuns of mandarins in Chinese cities. The residence of the duke of the Northern Korlos, near the left bank of the Nouni, occupies (buildings and courts) some five or six acres of ground. The " Palisade " boundary, one line of which sep- arates Mantchooria from Eastern Mongolia, no longer exists. The imperial maritime customs of China is a branch of service entirely under the admin- tration of foreigners, assisted by native officials, and is acquiring great efficiency and system. The annual revenue derived from this source does not exceed 15,000,000 taels per annum. China imports from Great Britain and her dependencies, under the British flag, merchan- dise per annum as follows : Taels. Opium from British India 31,990,91 9 Merchandise 34,463,734 Total Imports .'. .66,454,653 China exports to Great Britain and her de- pendencies per annum, to the value of. . .44,611,585 Leaving a balance of 21,843,068 106 CHINA. which is liquidated by shipments of sycee- silver to British India, balance due upon the value of opium imported. The United States import from China pro- ductions, principally tea and silk, to the Tsel9 - amount annually of 7,493,318 And find a market in China for merchan- dise annually to the value of 702,603 Leaving a balance of 6,790,715 which is liquidated by shipments of gold and silver, or sterling bills. The United States, therefore, furnish a large proportion of the bullion which the Chinese pay the British for opium. The bullion is not absorbed in China ; it goes on to India, and thence to England. Education and knowledge have received a powerful impulse by the contact with foreign- ers, as may be seen in the schools and arsenals established at various points. The arsenal at Shanghai, under the superintendence of Mr. Hall (an American), is intended for the build- ing of steamers and gunboats, and the manu- facture of all kinds of munitions of war after the most approved foreign models. The prem- ises cover nearly half a square mile of land. There are thirteen foreigners employed as superintendents of the various departments, and some 1,300 native workmen. In the year 1863 they launched their first vessel, a paddle- wheel steamer, 185 feet long, carrying six 24- pouncjers, brass naval howitzers; two 12- pounders, and one 20-pounder iron rifle gun upon the forecastle, with the launches, boats, and every foreign appliance, complete. Upon the 12th of April, 1869, they launched a screw gunboat 163 feet long, of American white oak keel, copper fastened throughout, and fitted up in every respect with all the modern improve- ments. She was to be armed with four brass 24- pounder howitzers, two iron 20-pounder Blake- ley rifles, one steel 20-pounder Blakeley rifle on the forecastle, and one iron 68-pounder and two brass 12-pounder howitzers. There was another on the stocks similar to the last mentioned, but 200 feet long, which would be ready to be launched in a couple of months. The keel of a transport 200 feet long was being laid, and the plans of a corvette 240 feet long were being prepared. Two other vessels, one 260 feet long and the other 280 feet long, were under con- templation. Tramways were being laid down, and a large dock constructed. Connected with this establishment is to be a large scientific school. Already some sinologues are em- ployed in translating various works for text- books and reference. The work turned out seems of the best quality, and the native man- agers are importing valuable libraries of scien- tific books, and all necessary philosophical and chemical apparatus. They seem thoroughly alive to the importance of all these branches of foreign science, and determined to make them- selves masters of them. A curious specimen of Chinese schools may be found in the examination of candidates in Nanking. The number in attendance at an ex- amination held in 1869 was 16,000, and the examinations were conducted by a literary chan- cellor and vice-chancellor. There was an old man aged 103 years, accompanied by his son, aged 80, his grandson of 50, and great grand- son of 20 years the two former of whom, ac- cording to Chinese precedent, will attain at least to an honorary degree. The treaty concluded in 1868 between the United States and China received in 1869 the imperial sanction. The reports from China, which had repeatedly announced a desire of the Chinese Government to evade or reject the treaty, thus proved groundless. In November, 1869, the revised treaty be- tween England and China was signed. The following are the important changes : A modi- fication of the transit dues ; the opening of two new ports to trade and commerce; the work- ing of coal-mines by foreign appliances, as an experiment, in two places yet to be selected ; a reduction of the duty on native coal, and other articles; the establishment of bonded warehouses; the navigation of the inland waters by vessels not steamers, and a tempo- rary residence in any part of the empire by foreigners. The ports to be opened by the treaty are Wachau, on the Lower Yang-tse, and Wanchau, on the coast, between Ning-Po and Foo-Chow, both of which ports had been strongly recommended in all the memorials on the subject. The Chinese Government had also agreed to employ an English barrister to frame a code of mercantile laws, in conjunc- tion with the judge appointed by her Majesty the Queen of England. The Supreme Court will govern all international civil suits. The advantages to be gained by the treaty are pro- nounced substantial, and equally beneficial to the Chinese as to foreigners. On September 2, 1869, a new commercial treaty was concluded between China and Aus- tria, conceding to the latter power the same rights which the other treaty powers enjoy. The desire of Austria, to obtain new stipula- tions in favor of the Eoman Catholic missions, was not acceded to by China. The printing establishments connected with the Protestant missions were: Shanghai American Presbyterian Mission, 8 presses, 25,000,000 pages printed ; American South- ern Baptist Mission, 19,000 pages printed. Ningpo American Baptist Mission, 594,500 pages printed ; Independent Baptist Mission, 160,000 pages printed. Foo-Chow American M. E. Mission, 2 presses ; 7,000,000, pages printed. Amoy American Reformed Mission, one small press for printing colloquial Chinese. Hong-Kong London Mission, 4 presses ; no re- turns of printing ; China Inland Mission, 2 presses ; no returns of printing. The Chinese Recorder, published at Foo- Chow, gives the following statistics of tho Protestant missions in China in 1869 : CLEVELAND, CHARLES D. COLOMBIA, UNITED STATES OF. 107 STATIONS AND MISSIONS. 'T li Missionary Ladie*. Native Assist- ants. 1 Stations and Out-stations. 1 3 Catechumens. Benevolent Con- tributions. Peking 15 19 13 152 14 13 172 27 $22 00 Tientsin 7 6 13 91 7 14 184 95 141 00 Che-Foo 4 5 6 27 Q 3 69 70 00 Tuno'chow 5 7 8 57 12 10 113 206 00 8 11 10 165 13 8 352 16 284 00 1 1 o 10 2 2 4 3 Hankow 7 4 8 208 7 8 207 5 105 00 19 13 64 284 59 50 965 54 324 44 Foo-Chow 10 10 108 584 69 67 925 384 606 20 Amoy 10 7 54 173 32 28 1,271 466 1,735 54 ' Takav and Tairvan 1 2 5 4 3 18 35 38 00 Swatow 5 4 20 291 22 22 261 25 106 49 10 9 11 264 15 16 400 TO 500 00 Canton 22 16 46 2 349 29 32 683 232 150 81 Cliiiiii Inland Missions 5 15 18 15 15 119 84 Total... 124 119 369 4,389 291 -281 5,624 1,412 84,289 48 CLEVELAND, CHAELES DEXTEE, LL. D., an American scholar, professor, and author, born in Salem, Mass., December 3, 1802 ; died in Philadelphia, August 18, 1869. He was intended at first for the mercantile pro- fession, and from his sixteenth to his twenty- first year was in a business-house. In 1823 he entered Dartmouth College, and graduated with distinguished honors in 1827. In 1830 he was elected Professor of the Latin and Greek Languages and Literature in Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa. ; in 1832 he was called to the professorship of Latin Language and Literature in the University of New York ; and in 1834 established a school for young ladies in Philadelphia, over which he presided with great success for nearly thirty years, and which he only relinquished in consequence of failing health. In the autumn of 1861 he received the unsolicited and unexpected appointment of United States consul for Cardiff, Wales, and remained there until 1867. After his resigna- tion of his post, he returned to Philadelphia, but his health requiring a change of climate he returned to Europe, and, after spending some time on the Continent, was domiciled for a year at Ilfracombe, Devonshire. He returned, in midsummer of 1869, to Philadelphia, where his death was very sudden, and the result of an affection of the heart. He had received the honorary degree of LL. D. from Ingham Uni- versity, in 1861, and from the University of New York in 1866. Professor Cleveland had, early in his career, been impressed with the lack of good and convenient text-books of Eng- lish literature, and the desirableness of familiar- izing our youth, and especially our young wo- men, more thoroughly with the best works in our language, that they might acquire a knowl- edge of "the wells of English undefiled," which should influence and control their subsequent use of the language as a medium f thought. It was for this purpose that he prepared his Compendiums of English, American, and Clas- sical Literature which have been so well and favorably known. His other works have, with a single exception, had reference to instruction, and most of them to literary criticism and culture. The following is a list of his publica- tions : In 1826, while a junior in college, "The Moral Character of Theophrastus, with a Trans- lation and Critical Notes;" in 1827, while a senior, " An Epitome of Grecian Antiquities ; " in 1828, " First Lessons in Latin, upon a New Plan," and, in the same year, " The National Orator ; " in 1830, " Xenophon's Anabasis, with English Notes ; " in 1831, " A Compen- dium of Grecian Antiquities," being the Epit- ome rewritten and greatly enlarged, with maps and illustrations ; in 1832, " Eirst Les- sons in Greek;" in 1834, "A Sequel to First Lessons in Latin ;" in 1836, an edition of " Adams's Latin Grammar, with numerous Ad- ditions and Improvements ; " in 1844, " An Address of the Liberty Party of Pennsylvania to the People of the State ; " in 1845, " First Latin Book," and in the same year " Second Latin Book ; " in 1846, " Third Latin Book ; " in 1848, " A Compendium of English Litera- ture, from Sir John Mandeville to William Cowper ; " in 1850, " Hymns for Schools, with Appropriate Selections from the Scriptures ; " in 1851, " English Literature of the Nineteenth Century ; " in 1853, an edition of " Milton's Poetical Works, with Life, Dissertations on each Poem, Notes, an Index to Subjects of * Paradise Lost,' and a Verbal Index to all the Poems;" in 1858, "A Compendium of Ameri- can Literature on the plan of the Compendium of English Literature ; " and, subsequently, " A Compendium of Classical Literature," of which a new edition was published in 1865. COLOMBIA,* UNITED STATES OF, a republic in South America. President for the term of 1868 to 1870, Santos Gutierrez; minister of the United States in Colombia, P. J. Sullivan, ap- pointed in 1867. Area, variously estimated at from 357,000 to 513,000 English square miles; * For latest financial and commercial statistics, see AMERICAN ANNUAL CYCLOPEDIA for 1868. 108 COLOMBIA, UNITED STATES OF. population, 2,794,473, not including the un- civilized Indians, whose number is estimated at 126,000. The republic consists of the nine States of Antioquia, Bolivar, Boyaca, Cauca, Cundinamarca, Magdalena, Panama, Santan- der, and Tolima. The relations of the Federal Government and the governments of the several States were, ap- parently, disturbed during 1869. The Colom- bian Senate annulled, in March, a law of the State of Panama for the confiscation of the property of political offenders. A report was brought before Congress on March 31st, recommending the indictment of the President of the republic, Santos Gutier- rez, before the Senate of plenipotentiaries of the nation, together with the Ministers Santi- ago Perez, Miguel Samper, Narciso Gonzales Lineros, and Serjio Camargo, upon charges arising out of the President's action in depos- ing the President of the State of Cundinamarca. Congress, however, acquitted the President. The proposition for an amnesty, allowing ing General Mosquera to return to the country, was rejected in the Senate by fourteen votes against thirteen. It had previously passed the House of Representatives by thirty-two votes against twelve. The Senate refused to recon- sider the proposition, though urged to do so by the lower House. The most important subject in the history of Colombia, during the year 1869, is the nego- tiations concerning the construction of the Darien Canal. In January, 1869, a treaty for the building of a ship-canal across the Isthmus of Panama was concluded between General C. Gushing and the Colombian plenipotentiaries. The negotiation had been lingering for several months in the hands of Mr. Sullivan, the Amer- ican minister, and was finally brought to an end about the middle of December, 1868, when the Colombian Commissioners, satisfied that they could not conclude any thing, resigned their commission, and the whole subject was decided to be laid before the Senate in consul- tation. It seems that the most important point of difference arose from the neutrality of the canal in time of war, Mr. Sullivan main- taining that the right should be stipulated for Colombia and the United States to close it to the vessels of a nation with whom either of them was at war; while the Colombian com- missioners strenuously advocated a perma- nent neutrality of the canal. Mr. Gushing arrived in January. An agree- ment was finally obtained, and a treaty sub- mitted to the President's approval, which was readily granted. The stipulations of this im- portant document were as follows : AimcLE 1. Grants to the United States of America the right to effect the necessary surveys and explora- tions on the isthmus, after which, if the project is found to be feasible, to draw the proper maps, etc. employing therefor the requisite civil and military superintendents, engineers, accountants, and paymas- ters, and other agents and laborers, and the war and transport vessels that may be required. The military force not to exceed at any one time five hundred men, officers included, without first obtaining the express consent of the United States of Colombia, and all per- sons so employed, both civil and military, shall pay due respect and obedience to the civil authorities of Colombia. And, when the explorations and drawings shall be completed, the President of the United States of America shall certify the fact to the other high contracting party, accompanying the maps and speci- fications ; such explorations, maps, and descriptions, to be filed in the archives of both governments. The route and projects thus fixed upon may subsequently be altered by the Government of the United States of America giving due notice to the Republic of Co- lombia. But the canal shall not be constructed on the route of the Panama Eailroad, unless the consent of the company owning the same has been obtained. ART. 2. Colombia agrees to grant, detach, and apply for the works of the canal all the territory, in- cluding sea and tributary waters, that may be pointed out for that purpose and be necessary, and besides, ten miles of public lands, uncultivated and without population, on each side of the canal, through all its length, and all the materials for construction found within such grants, private parties to be paid for such materials as they supply the Colombian Government will establish the requisite expropriations in con- formity to her laws. The ten miles of land given on each side of the canal are to be measured and divided into equal lots ; their front upon the canal or its annexes not to exceed three thousand three hundred yards ; said lots to be equally distributed between the two governments in such a manner that to neither of them shall belong two adjoining lots, nor the two first lots of either of the extremities of the canal ; and both governments may dispose at will of their own lots, but with the condition attached that they are to be applied to the uses of transit by the canal and for its annexes. The Government of the United States of America will choose the first lot to commence the distribution, and will return to that of Colombia such lots or portions thereof as they may not have trans- ferred to private parties at the end of the term of this contract, without claiming any sum for improvements or any other cause. ART. 3. The United States of Colombia binds her- self not to open nor permit to be opened any other interoceanic canal, or railroad, through her territory from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific, without having first obtained the consent of the Government of the United States of America. ART. 4. The disbursement, cost, and expenses ot the explorations^ drawings, construction, and ar- rangement of said canal and its ports, way stations, depots, and bays, including the indemnities paid for private property, and the proper indemnity to the ranama Railroad Company, should the case arrive, in accordance with the contract made by the Govern- ment of Colombia and approved by the Congress on the 15th of August, 1867, will be at the expense of the United States of America, but exclusively with refer- ence to the objects of this convention. The materials furnished by the United States of Colombia for the works of the canal will remain in charge of the United States of America, but exclusively for the objects of this convention. ART. 5. The United States of America will con- struct the said canal and its dependencies in such a manner that it will be capable of being adapted fo!r all kinds of vessels to cross the same, ancl will em- ploy the necessary number of workmen, artisans, and laborers to that end. The said government may also maintain the necessary naval and military force, which at no time is to exceed one thousand men, without first obtaining the consent of the United States of Colombia. Said force to be removed as soon as the canal shall be in operation, should the latter-named government so ask it. The United States of America binds herself to see that the em- COLOMBIA, UNITED STATES OF. 109 ployes, workmen, artisans, and laborers, as well as the military and naval forces destined to the canal works shall be amenable to the laws and Government of the United States of Colombia. ABT. 6. As soon as the canal, together with its de- pendencies and appurtenances, shall be constructed, the inspection, possession, direction, and government of it will belong to the United States of America, and will be exercised by that government ; that of the United States of Colombia having the power, after the exchange of this convention, of keeping a perma- nent commission of agents, with the right to inspect the respective operations, to ascertain the tonnage of vessels, to examine the accounts, and to report there- upon to the Government of the United States of Co- lombia ; but not to interfere in the supervision, gov- ernment, management, direction, and administration of the canal. ART. 7. The Government of the United States of America will establish the tariff of rates of passage and transportation through the canal upon the basis of perfect equality for all nations in time both of peace and war. The yield of the canal will be applied in preference to the reimbursement of the expenses, management, service, and government of the canal, and of the capital invested in the explorations, drawings, and construction thereof, including in the cost of construction the indemnities that may nave to be paid for the property of private individuals, and to the Panama Railroad Company, should the case arrive, conformable to the contract between the Gov- ernment of Colombia and said Company. Twelve years after the canal shall have been in service, the Government of Colombia will have the right to ten per cent, of the net proceeds of the enterprise, and to twenty-five per cent, from the moment in w^hich the Government of the United States of America shall have reimbursed herself the capital invested in the work of the act of placing the same in operation, even if the reimbursement shall have been effected within the first twelve years. The payment of the share accruing and due to Colombia is to be made in the city of New York at the expiration of every six months. For the effects of this article it is estab- lished : 1. That the annual expenses of the undertak- ing shall in no event exceed thirty per cent, of the gross annual proceeds, without the express consent of the two contracting parties ; 2. That the net pro- ceeds of the enterprise accruing to the Government of the United States of America shall be preferably applied, from the first year of the canal being in ser- vice, to the reimbursement of the capital ; and, 3. That, to liquidate the net proceeds of the enterprise, no de- duction is to be made for interest upon the capital expended on the works, nor for the sums that may ba set aside to make a reserve or sinking fund. ART. 8. The United States of Colombia will pre- perve her political sovereignty and jurisdiction over the canal and adjacent territory ; she will, however, not only permit, but guarantee to the United States of America, agreeably to the constitution and exist- ing laws or Colombia, the peaceable employment, government, direction, and management of the canal, as hereinbefore specified. ART. 9. The United States of America will have the right to use the canal for the transportation of troops, munitions of war, and ships-of-war, in time of peace. The entrance to the canal will be rigor- ously closed to the troops, vessels, and munitions of war, of nations that may be at war with another or with, others. AKT. 10. Colombia shall not exact toll, or any dues whatsoever, upon the vessels, passengers, money, merchandise, and other effects passing through the canal from one ocean to the other ; but such effects as may be intended for sale or consumption in the interior of the republic will be subject to the duties and taxes already established or that may be estab- lished. ART. 11. Should a -military or naval force ever be needed for the protection or defence of the canal, and the Government of the United States of America agree to furnish it, said force will operate with that end for the necessary time, under the orders, in ac- cord, of both governments, and will be paid out of the proceeds of the canal. ART. 12. The rights and privileges herein specified will last for the term of one hundred years, to be reckoned from the time that the canal shall be opened to the public service; and at the expiration of this term the Government of Colombia will enter into the possession, property, and enjoyment of the canal, and accessory lands, wharves, warehouses, and other appurtenances of the enterprise, constructed at the extremities or on the route, without having to pay therefor, or to grant any indemnity whatever. The United States of America will reserve the benefits that she may have derived during the said one hun- dred years. ART. 13. The United States of America may trans- fer by law all her rights, privileges, duties, property, and obligations in reference to the exploration, map- ping, construction, and preservation of the said canal to any private citizen, or association of citizens of the United States of America ; and in that event such citizen or association will enjoy all the rights, prop- erty, and privileges, and be subjected to all the obli- gations and binding clauses agreed upon in this treaty by the United States of America. The differences that might occur between such citizen, or association, and the United States of Colombia, upon the mean- ing or the fulfilment of the clauses of this treaty, will be adjusted by a tribunal composed thus : each one of the parties will name one commissioner^ and these judges will appoint an umpire to give his decision upon such cases wherein there may be disagreement between them. The court will reside at Bogota, and no appeal against its decisions is left to either of the parties. If, after one of the two parties shall have been required to make appointment of a judge com- missioner, said party shall fail to do it, or appoint some person unable or unwilling^ to accept the ap- pointment, then, and in that case, it is to be made by the Government of the United States of America. The expenses incurred by the tribunal will be taken from the gross proceeds of the canal, if this be al- ready in operation ; otherwise, the said expenses will be paid share and share alike by the parties, with the right to reimburse themselves out of the first pro- ceeds of the canal. Should the judge commissioners disagree upon the appointment of the umpire, the two contracting governments will submit the decis- ion of the questions at issue to the arbitration of an- other friendly government in the form stipulated in Article 17. The political obligations contracted in this agree- ment by_ the United States of America and those of Colombia are permanent and irrevocable. ART. 14. Such citizen or association will hold his or their property, rights, immunities, and privileges in the said canal and its vicinity, likewise subject to the reservations herein contained in favor of the United States of Colombia. ART. 15. In the event of the Government of the United States of America making the transfer men- tioned in Article 23, the privilege will cease, and the Government of Colombia enter upon possession and enjoyment, free of cost, of the canal and the appurte- nances thereof in the following cases : First, if the citizen or association of citizens in whose favor the transfer has been effected should sell or lease the en- terprise to any foreign government. Second. If said citizen or association of citizens cooperate in any act of rebellion against the Government of the United States of Colombia, having for its object to withdraw from her dominion the territory upon which the canal may be. Third. If, after the canal shall have been constructed and put into operation, the transit through it should be stopped for more than three years, except- ing in fortuitous cases, or such as may be "beyond the 110 control of such citizen or association of citizens. It is well understood that the cases enumerated in re- gard to cessation are also included in those to be de- cided upon by the court established according to Article 13 : said court will decide upon the fact and ART. 16. This treaty will cease and determine if the United States of America does not execute or cause to bo executed the explorations and maps ot tne canal herein referred to, within three years from and after the ratification and exchange of this convention ; or does not commence or cause to be commenced tne construction of the canal within five years after the paid ratification, or if she fails to have the same finished within fifteen years from said ratification. ABT. 17. Should any differences unfortunately oc- cur between the United States of America and the United States of Colombia, in reference to this con- vention, said differences shall be submitted to the arbitration of some impartial government, and the de- cision thereof carried out and respected in all cases. ABT. 18. The United States ot Colombia and the United States of America mutually agree to second their efforts in soliciting the friendship and guarantee of the other nations in favor of the stipulations of neutrality mentioned in Articles 7 and 9, as well as of the sovereignty of the United States of Colombia over the territory of the Isthmus of Panama and of Darien. AKT. 19. The present treaty is to be approved and ratified by the President of the United States of Colombia, by and with the advice and consent of the Congress thereof; and by the President of the United States of America, by and with the advice t and con- sent of the Senate thereof; and the ratifications shall be exchanged in the city of Bogota within twenty months, to be reckoned from the day of the signing of this convention. In testimony whereof, we, the plenipotentiaries of the United States of Colombia, and of the United States of America, have signed and sealed these presents in the city of Bogota, on the 14th day of January, 1869. [L. s.l MIGUEL SAMPER, TOMAS CUENCA, Plenipotentiaries of the United States of Colombia. [L. s.] PETER J. SULLIVAN, Minister Resident and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America. Executive Power of the Union, Bogota, January 16, 1869. The foregoing treaty is approved. Pass the same to the Congress for tne exercise respecting it of the 12th of the attributes conferred upon that body by the 49th Art. of the National Constitution. [L. s.] SANTOS GUTIERREZ. The Secretary of the Interior and of Foreign Relations : S. PEREZ. The preamble of the above treaty declares the opening of the canal between the two oceans across the continental isthmus to be es- sential to the prosperity of the two contracting countries and to the world at large, both in the interest of commerce and of civilization. A number of the leading journals in Bogota strongly opposed the confirmation of this treaty, their main object being, it was thought, to get as much money from the United States as pos- sible. This opposition of the press, together with French and English influences, induced the Federal Senate to reject the treaty. In the State of Panama public opinion began, how- ever, to appreciate the necessity of having the canal, and on October 16, 1869, the Legislative Assembly passed, unanimously, the following resolution : COLOMBIA, UNITED STATES OF. Resolved, That Congress be solicited to reconsider the treaty for the excavation of a canal uniting the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by way ot the Isthmus of Panama and Darien, which was celebrated in Bogota on the 14th of January of the present year, between the Government of Colombia and that of the United States of America. The representatives from the State of Pana- ma to the national Congress were consequent- ly instructed to use every endeavor to secure the passage of the canal project. So anxious are the people that the matter shall be carried through, and so convinced of the great benefits which would accrue to them and to the com- merce of the world by the opening of a canal through their State, that they would be perfectly willing, were the coming Congress to take unfavorable action upon it, to sever them- selves from the Colombian Confederation al- together, and claimj>rotection from the Govern- ments of the United States and Great Britain. The United States Senate took no action on the treaty during the year 1869 ; but General Grant, who has always taken a profound in- terest in this question, which has increased with his elevation to the presidency, obtained per- mission from the Colomhian Government to send a force to the isthmus to examine and locate a survey for the most practicable route for a canal. President Grant accordingly di- rected the Secretary of the Navy to detail a sufficient force to make the necessary surveys and select the best route. For this work the Secretary of the Navy detailed the Nipsic, Commander Selfridge, and the Guard. These vessels were to take out several officers belong- ing to the Coast Survey to assist in the work. The whole matter was placed under the su- perintendence of Rear- Admiral Davis, who is familiar with the isthmus and with the sev- eral routes heretofore proposed for a ship-canal. For when, in March, 1866, the Senate passed the following resolution Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy furnish, through, a report of the Superintendent of the Naval Observatory, the summit-level^ and distance by sur- vey of the various proposed lines for interoceanic canals and railroads between the waters of the Atlan- tic and Pacific Oceans ; as also their relative merits as practicable lines for the construction of a ship-canal, and especially as relates to Honduras, Tehuante- pec, Nicaragua, Panama, and Atrato lines, and also whether, in the opinion of the Superintendent, the isthmus of Darien has been satisfactorily explored ; and if so, furnish in detail charts, plans, lines of levels and all information connected therewith, and upon what authority they are based Admiral Davis, in reply to this resolution, on the 12th of July, 1866, submitted a report, through the "Secretary of the Navy, which ex- hausted the whole subject and contained all the information then known relative to a ship- canal across the isthmus. The facts and con- clusions set forth in this report will be of great service to the surveying party which at the close of the year 1869 was to leave for the isthmus. In concluding his report, Admiral Davis says : It is to the Isthmus of Darien that we are first to COLOMBIA, UNITED STATES OF. Ill look for the solution of the great problem of an in- teroceanic canal. We know enough of the interior topography to adopt the view of Dr. Oullen, that, if we leave the Indian trail, which always passes over the highest ground, and explore the country beyond the ordinary line of travel, we shall probably find a valley transversely dividing the Cordilleras, or at least a lower ridge than any yet surveyed. Our most trustworthy engineers in these regions, Trautwine, Michler, Prevost, McDougall, and others, tell us that it is impossible, from the very limited inspection of the country taken on the Indian line of travel, to form any conception of the nature of the ground, even in the immediate vicinity. The surveying party going out on the Nipsic and Guard are instructed to make a thorough exploration of all this region of country, with the view of actually constructing the ship-canal, while the surveying parties who have visited the isthmus heretofore were either sent out "by private parties or by the Government for the purpose of obtaining information. The new United States minister, General Hurlbut, presented his credentials to the Presi- dent, at the capital, on November 13th. After exchanging the usual diplomatic formalities, the general referred to the all-important canal question, saying : " I have received instructions to call your Excellen- cy's attention to the fact that the barrier formed by the Isthmus of Suez has now ceased to exist, and that the commerce of the nations of Europe now flows eastward without impediment: while, up to the present time, nothing has been definitely arranged by the nations of America in order to procure the re- moval of the obstacle presented by the isthmus which lies within the territory of this republic. I shall have the honor to present to vour Excellency, on be- half of my Government, the important and matured opinion of the President of the United States upon this question one of vital transcendency to the true prosperity of both nations, and of so great importance to the commerce of the world." The President, in replying to General Hurlbut' s allusion to the canal, said : "You have manifested the necessity which is experienced by all nations that the barrier which the Isthrnus of Panama presents to general interoceanic communication should be destroyed as quickly as pos- sible. Colombia is also fully aware of this necessity, and is disposed to do all that lies within the power of the republic to further this great undertaking ; and my Government, understanding the great influ- ence which this work is certain to exercise upon the destinies of the world, and of America in particular, will examine with the greatest attention the ideas which the President of the United States has charged you to transmit to us, and no effort shall be spared to secure the fulfilment of so great an aspiration." From the foregoing ; it is very evident that the Colombian Government is now most favorably disposed to en- tertain proposals from the United States for the con- struction of the canal. The General as well as the State govern- ment of Colombia is in a sad financial con- dition. The State government of Panama has found it impossible to collect the heavy com- mercial taxes laid illegally upon the merchants, and President Correoso has been compelled to propose a compromise with them. A tax was sought to be imposed by the same State government upon live-stock (bullocks and hogs) sent off to the steamers of the Pacific Mail Steamship Company, against which imposition the United States consul at Panama, Thos. K. Smith, entered an energetic protest, as being nothing more nor less than an export duty, which the State had no right to levy. The foreign merchants petitioned the Legislature for a reduction of the commercial contributions, but the Legislative Assembly adjourned (end of October) without taking any further action on this question, leaving the merchants the disagreeable alternative of paying the com- mercial tax under protest or giving up busi- ness. According to the message of the President of Colombia, the receipts of the Government for 1868 from the Panama Railroad were $418,193. The calculations of income and ex- penses of the Government for the present year show a deficit of $385,000. The review of the financial condition of the country is very gloomy and discouraging, nor is there much hope to be gained for its future peace and prosperity from the remarks of the President. He says : " In all the States the necessity of bettering their condition is felt, and it is under- stood that this must be commenced by making roads. In the midst of backwardness, general poverty, and the state of bankruptcy in which nearly all the sectional governments are at present, attention is turned to that of the Union for help, but it cannot answer them in an honorable way even with promises. The country, on the other hand, has reached such a point of decline, the result of the disturbances more or less absolute during the past years, that it is necessary to commence the great work of its regeneration at the foundation by reestablishing security." The Legislative Assembly of Panama decided, previous to adjourning in October, that the re- newal of the charter and the sale of the " reserves " by the General Government, two years ago, were strictly legal and constitutional, and a vote was passed declaring null and void the action of the Assembly of 1867 in protest- ing against the same. Of the nine States forming the republic, there are now only three which exhibit any opposition to the railroad. A bill, sanctioning the importation of coolies into the State of Panama, has been passed by the Assembly and approved by the President. The laws of this State have not hitherto per- mitted the introduction of laborers under con- tracts for a longer period than two years. This bill provides that contracts (which may be transferred) for a term of four years may be entered into, but with Chinese only, as some of the representatives expressed their fears that any other class of immigrants might be a dangerous element in times of revolution. This is regarded an important fact, considered in connection with the proposed canal. Con- tractors can supply their own laborers, and the history of the construction of the Central Pacific Railroad furnishes ample proof of what Chinese laborers can do. COLORADO. (See TERRITORIES.) COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES FOE 1869. 112 COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES FOR 1869. The general commerce of the coun- try, for the year ending June 30, 1869, shows the enormous sum of $437,000,000 in foreign imports (all gold value) ; while the total ex- ports were $428,000,000, mainly in paper values ranging from 70 to 80 cents per dollar. This is an excess of about $200,000,000 of imports over the value of the exports. The foreign commerce of the port of New York which comprises a very large amount of the foreign commerce of the whole country for the calen- dar years 1866 to 1869, is represented in the following tables: The first table shows the dutiable goods en- tered each month directly for consumption ; the second the monthly entries for warehous- ing ; the third the free goods which are thrown directly on the market ; the fourth the specie, and the fifth the total monthly entries of all kinds. Entered for Consumption. MOIi'HS. 1866. 186?. 1868. 1869. Jan.. Feb.. $18,556,726 17,389,505 $11,046,856 13,364,912 $7,855,830 10,386,053 $11,698,755 14,205,473 March 15,200,809 11,373,974 11,999,520 17,890,058 April. 13,366,448 10,800.747 9,652,649 13,836,593 May.. 13,563,551 9,438,747 10,244,318 12,'514,151 June. 10,682,723 8,947,379 8,786,471 10,510,444 July.. 14,304,403 11,036,960 12,193,589 12,560,232 Aug.. 14,560,161 13,547,834 14,005,112 15,895,735 Sept.. Oct... 13,228,489 13,812,206 13,149,846 10,224,405 14,152,546 11,294,439 12,938.666 10,288,541 Nov.. 10,688,544 ,8,193,013 9,707,521 11,015,790 Dec.. 8,447,064 6,416,343 7,458,965 9,080,463 Total.. $163,800,629 $127,541,016 $127,737,013 $152,434,901 Foreign Goods entered for Warehousing. MON'HS. 1866. 1867. 1868. 1869. Jan. .. $10,241,576 $9,087,702 $6,647,871 $9.378,719 Feb. 11,626,677 11,211,014 9,297,632 8,548,655 March 9,539.100 9,069,756 12,391.956 13,428,973 April May 10,159,657 13,902,407 13,327,839 10,896,675 10,780,668 10,541,079 16,497,691 12,876,131 June 10.957,050 10,478,305 10,063,867 12,380,145 July 11,301,274 11,226,514 10,573,083 10,705,702 Auir. 8,123,406 9,340,292 8,280,600 10,008,548 Sept. 7,817,045 6,676,707 6.804,640 8,840,059 Oct. 8,113,869 7,096,411 6,850,498 5.841,349 Nov. 8,345.859 6,414,600 7,050,229 6.913,527 Dec. 10,105,018 5,931,115 5,325,282 7,925,576 Total.. $120,232.938 $110,756,939 $104,607,405 $123,345,075 Foreign Goods entered free. MONTHS. 1866. 186T. 1868. 1869. January. . February March... April.... May June July $1,238,757 1,504,253 1,179,177 1,152,683 959,416 1,002,330 899549 $717,810 918,364 923,377 1,232,997 1,140,103 1,043,040 766 786 $778,296 718,777 821,682 964,488 887,657 7a3,149 1,094 543 $1.243,777 1,190,397 1,702,591 1,202,080 1,256,112 1,277,514 1 214 472 August... Septemb'r October.. November December 931,877 840,082 1,471,951 873,514 947,999 844,664 854,987 754,881 4,082,056 765,106 828,188 1,421,652 1,294.991 1,323,954 847,350 l',322',924 1,200,764 879,329 1,151,880 1,147,395 Total... $13,001,588 $11,044,181 $11,764,027 $14,789,255 Imports of Specie. MONTHS. 1866. 1867. 1868. 1869. January. . February March. . April. . . May $72,771 172,122 285,854 161.817 393,073 $126,719 136,491 145,867 271.710 376,725 $136,574 415,875 1,299,776 871,079 477,485 $221,278 1,882,755 1,771.668 4,818,287 403,267 June... . July... . August. . Septemb'r October. . Novemb'r December 94,549 345,961 269,221 5,193,473 1,434,158 802,937 352,093 499,184 56,606 540,244 345,669 362,789 181,319 263,016 &38,111 126,442 846,821 906,588 554,862 220,316 391,490 914,005 202,487 159.927 1,364.904 3,580,817 156,286 312,781 Total... $9,578,029 $3,306,339 $7,085,389 $15,788,462 Total Imports. MO'S. 1866. 1867. 1868. 1869. Jan'y.. $30,109,830 $20,979,087 $15,418,571 $22,542,529 Feb'y.. Marcb.. 30,692,557 26,204,940 25.630,781 21,512,974 20,818,337 26,512,934 25,827,280 34,793,290 April... 24,840,605 25,633,293 22,268,884 36,354,651 May... 28,818,447 21,852,250 22,150,539 27,049.661 June... 22.736,652 20,967,908 20,471,598 25,082,103 July.... 26,851,187 23,086.866 23,987,657 24,682,893 August Sepfr . 23,884,665 27,079,089 24,273,034 21,027,209 23,960,721 23,285,396 27,387,134 24,344,393 Oct'r.. 24,832,184 18,438,486 19,994,790 20,590,036 Nov'r .. 20,710,854 15,871.037 18,301,320 19,237,483 Dec'r.. 19,852,174 13,375,580 14,023,087 18,466,215 Total. $306,613,184 $252,648,475 $251,193,834 $306,357,673 The total foreign imports at New York in the calendar year 1869 were $306,357,673, being a gain on any previous calendar year excepting 1866, which exceeded it only by a few dollars. The total foreign imports at the port, in each year since 1850, were as follows : YEAR. Dutiable. Free Goods. Specie. Total. ia5i $119,592,264 $9,719,771 $2,049,543 $131,361,578 1852 1853 115,336,052 179,512 182 12,105,342 12,156,387 2,408,225 2,429,083 129,849,619 194,097,65'2 1854 163 494 984 15,768 916 2 107 572 181 371 472 1855 142,900,661 14,103,946 855,631 157,860,238 1856 . . 193,839 646 17,902,578 1,814,425 213,556,649 1857 196 279 362 21,440,734 12,898 033 230,618,129 1858 128,578,256 22,024,691 2,264,120 152,867,067 1859 1860 213,640,363 201,401,683 28,708,732 28,006,447 2,816,421 8,852,330 245,165,516 238,260,460 1861 1862 95,326,459 149,970,415 30,353,918 23,291,625 37,088,413 1,390,277 162,768,790 174,652,317 1863 1864 174,521,766 ,204, 128,236 11,567,000 11,731,902 1,525,811 2,265,622 187,614,577 218,125,760 1865 212.208,301 10,410,837 2,123,281 224,742 419 1866 1867 284;033,567 238,297,955 13,001,588 11,044,181 9,578,029 3,306,339 306,613,184 252,648,475 1863 . 232.344,418 11,764,027 7,085,389 251,193,834 1869- 275,779,976 14,789,235 15,788,462 306,357,673 In the above table are included, under the head of dutiable, the duty-paying goods en- tered directly far consumption, as well as those entered for warehousing ; these, with the free goods and specie, make the total en- tered at the port. The free list was greatly curtailed by Congress seven years ago, espe- cially by the transfer of tea and coffee to the list of dutiable articles. The specie imports include considerable sums brought l^ere to be reshipped to foreign ports, and they will be found again among the reexports of foreign articles. COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES FOR 1869. 113 The following table shows the value of dry goods imported during the three calendar years distinguished from the general merchandise and specie : Classification of Imports at New York. Reexports of Foreign Dutiable Goods from New York. 1867. 1868. 1869. Dry goods $86,253,643 $80,905,834 $94,726,417 Geii'l merchandise. Specie 163,078,493 3306,339 163,202,611 7,085,389 195,842,794 15,788,462 Total imports.... $252,648,473 $251,193,834 $306,357,673 During the year 1869, out of over three hundred millions in foreign products landed at New York, less than ninety-five millions came under the head of dry goods, or about thirty-one per cent, of the whole. The total exports of the United States to foreign countries, in the last fiscal year, were $428,000,000; of which nearly one-half were from New York alone. The following rep- resents the exports from New York to foreign ports, exclusive of specie, for four calendar years, ending December 31, 1869: MONTHS. 1866. 1867. 1868. 1869. January $284909 $422,751 $669 151 $472 228 February 400,782 800,663 441,528 312^830 March April. 320,165 654,019 764,138 845,824 655,881 648,960 615,121 733 461 May . 759,857 665,031 852,544 583846 June July 606,255 401 724 713,137 882,595 641,409 444,735 605,608 604 923 August. .. 226,786 717,161 558,078 694,339 September October November December 306,240 186,103 2*58,600 551,657 890,851 797,235 610,460 533,115 803,255 740,477 517,907 415,675 699,680 577,748 512,226 693,260 Total.. $4,967,102 $8,142,961 $7,389,600 $7,005,270 Export of Specie and Bullion to Foreign Ports from New York. Quarter. 1866. 1867. 1868. Sept 1869. Oct.. 834,550 1,463,450 3,766.690 3,297,270 2,201,958 1,182,031 1,733,261 6,854,548 1,954,723 1,608,739 1,181,085 1,717,905 1,763,171 2,531,076 . 1,126,845 1,732,899 First... Second. Third.. Fourth. Total.. $60,972,531 46,766,386 38,381,202 46,209,485 $192,329,554 $49,376,379 46,270,261 38,928,664 52,214,722 $186,790,025 $42,033,366 41,381,668 36,549,086 44,101,182 $164,066,102 $36,566,724 Dec 48,705,409 " 54,933,449 Total. $62,553,700 $51,801,948 $70,841,599 $32,108,448 $195,226,706 Total Exports. The monthly movement for foui annexed : Exports of Domestic Goods and Produce York to Foreign Ports for the Years 186 DOMESTIC PRODUCE. * years is MON , HS 1866. 1867. 1868. 1869. from New j^ ' ' 6 to 1869. March April. May.. $22,814,543 19,002,537 24,713,856 23,899,970 36,937,067 26,153,374 19,307,928 14,511,361 12,805,773 16,275,283 17,750,755 20,710,807 $15,999,998 17,576,967 22,366,367 20,124,879 22,346,699 21,827,392 27,588,755 14,571,947 14,204,407 18,663,252 22,408,776 20,912,534 $21,798,152 18,225,414 17.258,362 20,834,389 31,269,790 23,132,527 21,606,116 18,018,177 14,155,063 16,814.640 15.589,881 16,705,190 $16,367,397 14,056,895 14,978,863 17,176,688 18,588,936 19,555,247 25,556,890 21,652,159 18,990,135 21,600,331 18,519,847 20,291,766 MON'HS. 1866. 1867. 1868. June. 1869. July.. Aug. . Jan.. . Feb.. . March . Aoril. . $19,784,997 16,768,120 23,291,485 22.526.822 $12,911,689 14,615,040 19,679,955 16.979.383 $13,766,496 13,543,674 12,882,808 13.976.761 $12,672,824 Sept.. 10,507,041 T ' 11,942,672 . ov " 14671026 Dec " Reexports of Foreign Free Goods from New York. MONTHS. 1866. 1867. 1868. 1869. January $38 301 $114 207 $12680 $7965 February March April. 26,605 57,167 130,254 36,803 31,133 38389 36,387 24,761 113 489 4.941 31.102 4600 May. 151 393 23492 183 986 49261 June 55,074 43,214 32946 59,001 July 27,269 20,168 37975 27020 August September. . October November. . . December.. . 50,720 29,373 32,061 64,001 44,265 24,096 9.498 4,446 8,515 82,694 18^192 80,593 10,822 9,763 39,aso 54,356 16,960 71,862 44,159 37,433 Total $706,483 $436,655 $600,924 $408,660 Including the shipments of specie, the total for last year has fallen behind that of either the previous three years, but the exports of domestic merchandise show a slight gain. The shipments of gold are counted at their tale value ; but all others, with unimportant exceptions, are given at their market value in paper money at the time of shipment. These figures refer only to the foreign com- merce of the port of New York and not to the foreign trade of the whole United States. About two-thirds of the entire imports of the whole country are landed here, and nearly fifty per cent, of the entire exports shipped hence. The cash duties are not collected on the goods as landed, the bonded goods paying only as they are entered for consumption. The following is a comparison of the monthly receipts at New York : VOL. ix. 8. A 114 COMMERCIAL CONVENTIONS. Receipts of Custom* at New York. MONTHS. 186?. 1868. 1869. January. . February March . April . . May. . . $9,472,248 48 11,466,418 42 11,977,418 19 9,372,701 48 9,340,766 73 $7,133.428 42 9,696,752 39 11,195,861 33 10,023,029 37 9,723,476 45 $9,615,894 43 11,996,628 46 13,027,672 02 10,727,099 86 9,688,820 34 June .. July... AngUHt September October. . . November December. 7,725,135 60 9,505,432 94 12.623,300 45 11,712,164 78 8,682,889 05 6.931,212 90 5,276,301 32 7,678,200 69 9.237,920 50 11.995,595 18 12,916,786 29 10,059,277 34 7.309,086 88 6,327,300 78 8,411,294 83 10,045,078 14 13,845,030 69 11,975,804 75 10,554,660 92 8,540,788 60 6,590,945 65 Total... $114,085,990 34 $113,296,712 62 $125,019,718 69 The foregoing figures represent coin. The im- ports are entered at their foreign cost in gold, freight and duty not included ; so that the actual cost in currency here, of the last year's imports, without profit, would be about $600,000,000. The results are not favorable to ourselves. When we compare the specie value of the ex- ports with the aggregate values of the foreign imports, the balance of trade is decidedly against us, and has to be met by an export of Government bonds and other securities, which eventually must be paid in gold. The following table shows the aggregate an- nual foreign imports and exports of the United States, ending June 30, 1857-'69 : FOREIGN IMPOSTS AND EXPOET8 OF THE TJXITED STATES, ETC. Total Import!. Total Domestic Exports. Foreign Exports. Total Exports. Immigrants. Aliens. Premium on Gold. Average yearly. 1857 $360 890 141 $338,985,065 $23,975,617 $362,960,682 251,306 1858 282 613 150 293 758 279 30,886,142 324,644,421 123,126 1859 338 768 130 335 894,384 20,895,077 356,789,461 121,282 1860 362'l66 254 373 189,274 26,933,022 400,122,296 153,640 1861 335' 650 153 228,699,486 20,645,427 249,344,913 91,920 1862 205 771 729 213,069,519 16,869,466 229,938,985 91,987 18.22 1863 252 919 920 305,884,998 26,123,584 332,008,582 176,282 46.06 1864 329 562,895 320,035,199 20,256,940 340,292,139 193,418 104.05 1865 234,434,167 306,306,758 80,390,365 336,697,123 248,120 57.72 1866 445,512,158 550,684,277 14,742,117 565,426,394 318,554 41.55 1867 417,831,571 438,577,312 20,611,508 459,188,820 298,358 38.62 1868 371 624 808 454 301,713 22,601,126 476,902,839 297,215 39.84 1869. 437 026 541 413,869,182 14,692,965 428,562,147 352,569 33.79 Average.. $4,374,771,617 $336,520,893 $4,573,255,446 $351,788,880 $289,623,356 $22,278,719 $4,862,878,802 $374,067,600 2,717,777 209,059 COMMERCIAL CONVENTIONS. During the past year five National Commercial Con- ventions have been held, of which four occurred in the Mississippi Valley, and were composed largely of delegates from the Southern and "Western States. Many important commercial questions were discussed, with a view of effect- ing great changes in certain branches of trade. In all the conventions the subjects of a South- ern Pacific Eailway, immigration to the South and "West, and the improvement of naviga- tion in the Mississippi Valley, held a marked prominence ; the last having in view an entire change of the freight transportation system be- tween the "West and the East by opening an advantageous outlet, via the Mississippi River, for the vast produce of the "West, destined to Eastern markets. The first of the conventions was held in the latter part of May, at Memphis, Tenn., and was very largely attended; the delegates, mostly from the South and Southwest, num- bered upward of eleven hundred, and rep- resented twenty-two States. The subject of a Southern Pacific Railway received an ex- tended and thorough discussion. The com- mittee, to whom it was referred, reported the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : .Resolved, That, in the opinion of this convention, the interests of the whole country, and especially the Southern States, could be served by a main trunk railway line from San Diego, Cal., through Junction Kiver, Colorado, and the Gila, and along the valley of the Gila south of that river to El Paso, on the Eio Grande, and thence to a convenient central point near the thirty-second parallel of latitude east of Brazos River, in the State of Texas; from which main trunk feeder-roads should lead from St. Louis, Cairo, Memphis, Vicksburg, New Orleans, and other points, all of which feeder-roads having equal right of connection with their main trunk ; while similar feeder-roads from San Francisco and other points on the Pacific coast should have similar equal rights of connection. Jtesolved, That the president of the convention be requested to forward a copy of this resolution to the President and Vice-President of the United States, and Speaker of the House of Kepresentatives, and re- quest them to present the same to the respective Houses of Congress. The committee also stated the following rea- sons for selecting this route : 1. It is the shortest line connecting the Gulf of Mexico and Valley of the Mississippi with the Pacific ; and, 2. It is the line, of all those now unoccupied, of most easy grades and cheapest constructed on permit. 3. It passes through less inhospitable and barren country, and over more fertile and hospitable lands, than any other unoccupied route proposed. 4. The line is touched by water transportation at three points, affording the greatest facilities for con- struction, and consequently hastening and cheapen- ing such construction. 5. The line will open to the world the great mineral resources of Arizona and Sonora, and render .more COMMERCIAL CONVENTIONS. 115 valuable the stock-raising districts of Texas, New Mexico, and Northern Mexico, and thus enjoy un- rivalled traffic. 6. It will inevitably attract numerous feeders from the neighboring Republic of Mexico, and thus not only stimulate enterprise there, but secure to our shipping-ports a greater portion of the bullion which now seeks Europe by hazardous conductas and smug- gling vessels. 7. It will open the new cotton-growing area in Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona, the lands for cot- ton-gro\ying being now useless on account of the lack of facilities for transportation. 8. It is well known that some roads, which would be among the feeder-roads referred to in the resolu- tion, have not only been projected, but are already in active course of construction, without waiting for Government subsidy or encouragement. 9. The last, though not least the construction of this route, more than all else besides, encourages what we feel to be the great necessity of the hour immi- gration and direct trade with Europe. A report of the Committee on Rivers and Navigation was adopted. After rehearsing the vast importance of a safe, speedy, and cheap system of transportation on "Western waters as necessary to the settlement and cultivation of the extensive fertile regions of the South and Southwest, it indorses the efforts of the Mis- sissippi Valley Navigation Company for the improvement of the system of Western navi- gation. The sense of the convention on the ques- tion of Chinese labor was expressed in the following resolution, which was adopted, with a preamble, stating the cheapness of this class of labor, and the lack of means on the part of individual planters to import foreign laborers : Resolved, That all the railroads in the South be re- quested to employ upon these roads as many as pos- sible of the Chinamen recently discharged on the Pacific Bailroad, and that all companies engaged in building new railroads be especially requested to em- ploy as many of these laborers as they possibly can. Resolutions were passed approving of the scheme of direct trade between Norfolk and Liverpool, as well as between other prominent Southern ports and Europe ; advocating cheap freights on railroads for fertilizers, building- materials, farm-implements, etc., and low rates of fare for the immigrant, as a means of pro- moting the agricultural interests of the South and West ; in favor of requesting Congress to cause the collection and publication of full re- ports concerning cotton; showing the cost and material advantages, and the most efficient process of manufacture at home and abroad ; the hest routes to foreign markets, and the cost of transportation; and in favor of im- proving the levees of the Mississippi River, so as to secure the vast alluvial low lands of the valley from overflow. A committee was ap- pointed to memorialize Congress upon this sub- ject, and the following resolution was adopted : That we earnestly invoke the early attention of Congress to such legislation as may be necessary to extend the aid of the Government of the United States to the States of Missouri, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Arkansas, by the indorsement of the United States of the bonds of these States in such sums as may be necessary to rebuild, in a thorough and per- manent manner, the levees of the Mississippi Eiver when these States, by satisfactory legislation, shall have provided for the interest on the bonds, and for their redemption at maturity. The subject of immigration held a prominent place in the deliberations of the convention. The committee made a long report, setting forth the superior advantages of the South for the investment of capital and labor; recom- mending to European immigrants, destined to the Northwestern States, the route via the Mississippi River in preference to New York ; and promising to extend to all immigrants coming to the South friendly sympathy and full protection in the rights of person and property. After the appointment of a com- mittee to report a plan for the permanent organization of the Southern Commercial Con- vention, this body adjourned, to meet at Louis- ville, Ky., on the 12th of the following Oc- tober. The second convention of the year was held at New Orleans, on the 25th of May and the three following days. It was made up chiefly of delegates from the cities of the Mississippi Valley and the lake region. One of the most important subjects under consideration was that relating to the removal of obstructions at the mouth of the Mississippi and elsewhere on its tributaries, which led to a thorough review of the different systems of transporting freight to Eastern cities. It was stated that, of the gross value of exports of the United States for the year ending June, 1868, amounting to $476,348,029, ninety-five per cent, was the domestic produce chiefly of the Mississippi Valley ; that from one-third to one-half of all the wheat, corn, oats, and pork, annually pro- duced in the United States came from five Northwestern States ; and that the produce of this section finds its way to Eastern markets by cross-routes, chiefly because of the ob- structed navigation of the Mississippi and its tributaries. It was stated that the cost of transporting a bushel of wheat from St. Paul to New York via Chicago was seventy cents ; and that with the necessary improvements in navigation in the Mississippi Valley wheat could be carried from St. Paul to New York, by river and sea, at a cost not exceeding twenty- five cents per bushel. After an animated dis- cussion of this subject, resolutions were adopted in favor of memoralizing the Government to adopt measures for the removal of obstructions at the mouth of the Mississippi, and in the up- per Mississippi, and the completion of improve- ments at the falls of the Ohio ; and recom- mending that the municipal authorities of the river cities should reduce their rates of pilot- age, towage, and wharfage, and extend every facility for the advantageous transportation of grain in bulk and of other freight ; and that the national Government should create ports of entry and delivery at all the principal cities of the Mississippi and its tributaries. . There was much discussion as to the most de- 116 COMMERCIAL CONVENTIONS. sirable route for the Southern Pacific Railway. A report in favor of a longitudinal route from the centre of the Mississippi Valley to Mazat- lan or San Bias, in Mexico, was presented but did not receive the approval of the convention. The route finally indorsed was substantially the same as that recommended by the Memphis Convention. A report was adopted requesting the people of the Southern and Western States to afford all possible facilities to immigrants, and urging the several Legislatures of those States to appoint commissioners of immigra- tion, whose duty it should be to invite immigra- tion from all sections by means of agents, and by reliable publications, setting forth the re- sources of this section, and the advantages offered to immigrants. That portion of the report recommending the importation of Chi- nese laborers met with opposition, and was stricken out. The convention was in favor of memoralizing Congress to adopt measures for the protection of the low lands of the Mississippi Valley from inundation, for the adoption of a uniform three-cent postage- stamp, and for a ship-canal across Florida. This convention adjourned, to meet at Keo- kuk, Iowa, on the 7th of September. . At the adjourned convention, William Van- dervere was chosen president. Estimates were presented, showing the cost of completing the improvements already begun at Des Moines Rapids, Rock Island Rapids, the falls of the Ohio, and the mouth of the Mississippi, to be $9,487,21 3. The Committee on the Mississippi River and its Tributaries reported the follow- ing preamble and resolutions, which were adopted : Whereas, cheap transportation is the great want of the West and the entire nation thereby meeting the first great principles of the wealth of nations, cheap food for the masses, better remuneration for tne pro- ducer, and an increase of the exports of the nation ; and Whereas, the relative cost of transportation per mile by water and by rail is as one to eight ; and Whereas, the Mississippi Eiver and its tributaries afford 20,000 miles of connected navigation, and are the cheapest natural highways for the commerce of the valley in which are produced annually two-thirds of the breadstuffs and provisions and four-fifths of all the exports of the entire country ; and Whereas, the rate of transportation on said river and its tributaries is much increased on account of the interruption, danger, and delay, caused by certain obstructions i therefore, Resolved, That the people in the Mississippi Valley now in convention assembled do hereby respectfully and earnestly petition the Honorable Senators and [Representatives of the Forty-first Congress to ap- propriate, at their next session, so much as shall be necessary to complete the imprbvements of the Mis- sissippi River at the Des Moines and Eock Island Kapids, and the completion of the Louisville and Port- land Canal at the falls of the Ohio. m Resolved, That, in view of the injustice of discrim- ination on any railroads against local traffic to and trom river stations, we recommend to Congress and to btate Legislatures the passage of a general enact- ment, requiring that all railroads shall grant to local traffic rates of freight proportioned to the lowest tnrough-rate of freight granted on the same roads. In regard to immigration the convention voted that an increased supply of skilled and intelligent labor was.necessary for the develop- ment of the resources of the Mississippi Val- ley, and that' every effort should be made to en- courage free immigration from every quarter. A resolution was adopted in favor of pe- titioning Congress to make an appropriation for holding a World's Fair in the Valley of the Mississippi in the year 1871. No place was designated ; but on behalf of St. Louis a prop- osition was made, that, if Congress would appro- priate the amount of the premiums, that city would furnish the grounds and the buildings. This committee also reported the draft of a bill, to be submitted to the Forty-first Congress, which proposes that any bridge hereafter to be built across the Ohio River, shall be made with continuous or unbroken spans, and that the span across the main low-water channel shall be not less than forty feet above extreme high- water mark, and shall be of such length as to leave not less than four hundred' feet of unob- structed passage-way at all stages for naviga- tion. There were other provisions respecting the construction of bridges so as to obviate all difficulties in the passage of steamers, and re- quiring the submission of all plans, for bridges to be built across the Ohio, to the Secretary of AYar ; the main span of bridges to be built over the Mississippi to be not less than five hun- dred feet in the clear. This bill was approved in the convention by a vote of 78 to 9. The committee on Foreign Commerce, hav- ing under consideration the two great modes of transportation between the West and the East, reported the following resolutions, which were adopted : Resolved, That the Federal Senators representing the constituency of this convention are respectfully requested : 1. To examine the treaty relations between the United States arid foreign powers with a view to ob- taining such modifications or amendments thereof as will remove all obstacles to a free or reciprocal trade between the Mississippi Kiver and such foreign na- tions. 2. To exercise their influence with the appointing power to secure for the Valley of the Mississippi a fair share of the diplomatic and consular appoint- ments to foreign countries. Resolved, That the river and port cities of the Mis- sissippi Valley be requested to extend all the muni- cipal facilities and commercial economies indicated in this report as a means of counteracting the rivalry of the cross-routes, and of regaining and increasing the domestic and foreign commerce of the Mississippi Valley. Resolved, That the several States of the Mississippi Valley are ^requested to did in establishing and sus- taining an immigrant agency and depot at the city of New Orleans, on such terms as will secure to thorfe States a fair share of tlie foreign immigration. Resolved, That the representatives of the Valley of the Mississippi in Congress be requested to introduce bills for the increase and equalization of postal steam service, by additional subsidies to lines of steamers between the port of New Orleans and the principal ports of Europe, America, and Asia. The subject of the removal of the national capital carne before the convention, and it was COMMERCIAL CONVENTIONS. 117 resolved that the interests of the people of the whole country require the removal of the capital from its present location to some point in the Mississippi Valley. After a session of three days, the convention adjourned. The fourth great Commercial Convention of the year assembled at Louisville, Ky., on the 13th of October, and chose ex-President Fillmore as its presiding officer. The dele- gates numbered upward of five hundred and twenty, comprising prominent merchants and business men from twenty-nine States, of whom two hundred and seventy-seven were from the Southern States, one hundred and seven from the "Western, and thirty-two from the Eastern and Middle States. The subject of the Southern Pacific Railway was promi- nent in the discussions. Full statistics were given and the entire subject reviewed at great length. The minority report favored the route from St. Louis on the thirty-fifth parallel, via Albuquerque to San Francisco; the majority report, which was adopted, recommended sub- stantially the route approved by the Memphis Convention, with feeder-roads, from Leaven- worth, St. Louis, Kansas City, Cairo, Vicks- burg, Memphis, New Orleans, and Galveston, on the East ; and Guaymas, Mazatlan, and San Francisco, on the West. On the subject of railroads in general, the convention recommended cooperation in rail- road management, the connection of tracks, and uniform gauges, in order to perfect the system of great through-lines ; and urged the building of railroads to the Gulf ports as the proper outlet for produce destined for the mar- kets of the West Indies, Mexico, or South America. A report from the Committee on Direct Trade with Europe recommended the organi- zation of steamship lines between Southern ports and Europe ; such lines to be subsidized by Congress ; a modification of the navigation laws, so as to enable Americans to purchase foreign ships ; the abolition of the tariff on ship-building materials; and that Congress open ports of entry at all cities in the West and South which have a population of one hundred thousand or more. A spirited discussion arose on the general subject of immigration ; especially was there a marked difference of opinion as to the intro- duction of Chinese labor, a matter which the convention finally decided to leave to the States and to private interests. The conven- tion approved of the introduction of a million Europeans, and appointed M. F. Maury as a general agent to disseminate information in re- lation to the advantages of the South for im- migration. On the subject of banking and* finance, a repeal was recommended of the law providing for a direct land-tax as being unnecessarily bur- densome to the South ; and that, in the system of revenue taxation, the vices of the people rather than the honest industry of the country should be taxed. The following resolutions were adopted : Resolved, That Congress be requested to enact at once : 1. A free banking law, with efficient and certain measures for prompt redemption of currency, with a proviso that currency is to be issued only as fast as legal-tender notes are redeemed and destroyed, until specie payments are resumed. 2. Direct the Secretary of the Treasury to cancel and destroy all legal-tender notes that come in his possession as fast as the net income of the Govern- ment will allow. In case national-bank currency is applied for faster than it can be furnished under the conditions here stated, preference to be^ given, first to the South and second to the West, until the whole currency in circulation be equalized upon the basis of population. 3. Direct the Secretary of the Treasury to regulate all his actions by the wants and necessities of the Government, and leave the people to ^manage their money markets and their business in their own way. After a thorough discussion of the several topics, the convention adopted resolutions in favor of the improvement of the Mississippi levees ; the removal of obstruction to naviga- tion on the Mississippi and its tributaries ; the adoption by Congress of regulations concern- ing the construction of bridges over Western and Southern rivers, as proposed at the Keo- kuk Convention ; and of memorializing Con- gress to aid a proposed line of steamers from New Orleans to Rio Janeiro, and to protect and improve the bars and harbors of the At- lantic coast and Gulf of Mexico. Resolutions were also adopted, appointing a delegation, of which ex-President Fillmore was made chair- man, to attend the Universal Exposition, to be held at St. Petersburg in 1870; and also a committee to memorialize Congress to desig- nate the point for holding the World's Fair in 1871. The convention adjourned, to meet at Cincinnati, on the first Tuesday of October, 1870. The National Board of Trade held its second annual meeting at Richmond, Va., commen- cing on the 1st of December. The delegates present represented the principal cities of the United States. This Board now represents thirty-seven constituent bodies, of which more than 16,000 merchants of the United States are members. Frederick Fraley, of Philadelphia, was elected president of the Board for the en- suing year. The report of the Executive Council recommended a full collection of sta- tistics and reports concerning trade, and their publication in a tabulated form, by the secre- tary of the Board; and that some plan be adopted for the daily interchange of market reports ; also that the number of pounds re- quisite to constitute a bushel should be uniform in all the States. Resolutions were passed recommending local boards to adopt a rule that tare shall be the actual weight of the package at the time of sale in all transactions, and to insist on full weights and measures in articles purporting to be of a certain fixed standard, but which are 118 COMMERCIAL CONVENTIONS. sold by parcel or package ; recommending uni- formity in the instruments used in conveyances of land, and the appointment of a committee to prepare and recommend to the several State Legislatures a bill securing such change ; also the passage of a law securing uniformity in the practice of District Courts of the United States in relation to the collection of debts. An animated discussion arose on the resolution to memorialize the different State Legislatures to repeal all laws discriminating against non- resident traders. On one side it was held that it was an effort on the part of the large Eastern cities to extend their trade into the smaller cities of the "West and South, without paying any tax thereon, and that the removal of all restrictions would be a discrimination against the home-trader; on the other hand it was contended that the spirit of the age demanded a domestic free trade, and an enlightened com- mercial sentiment to which such restrictions were hostile. The resolution was adopted, by a vote of 41 to 12. The diversity of views in the convention on the question of national finances caused a general discussion of this subject. The majority report of the Committee on the Resumption of Specie Payments recommended to Congress the issue of four per cent, bonds, payable in thirty years, principal and interest in gold, which may be exchanged for greenbacks at par, the greenbacks to be thus withdrawn, until the amount outstanding does not exceed $300,000,000, and all thus withdrawn to be cancelled ; also that national banks be required by law to retain the coin received for interest on bonds deposited to secure their circulation, until specie payments be resumed. After an extended debate this portion of the majority report was rejected, and the Board adopted only the first resolution, which declares a be- lief in the imperative necessity of the resump- tion of specie payments. Resolutions were adopted, asking Congress to establish a new department of the Government, known as the Department of Commerce, to which shall be referred all questions connected with the for- eign and domestic trade and transportation of the country; requesting Congress to adopt measures for the construction of a ship-canal around the falls of Niagara, connecting Lake Erie and Lake Ontario ; to make appropria- tion for the removal of obstacles to navigation on the Mississippi River and its tributaries ; to prescribe such regulations for the construction of bridges over these rivers as will best pro- mote the interests of their nagivation, and to recommend a uniform coinage among the com- mercial nations of the world. The subject of the transportation of freight between the West and the East was prominent in the discussions of the Board. A proposition was made, that Congress be requested to charter a double-track railroad between the centre of the "Western grain-producing country and the Atlantic seaboard, to be used ex- CONGREGAT10NALISTS. clusively for carrying freight, and to fix the rates of freight thereon. The superior ad- vantages of water-lines were also strongly advocated, and it was argued that the canals necessary for a water-line between the West and the East should be enlarged and steam introduced, which would lead to a great reduc- tion in the rates of freight. The next meeting of the National Board of Trade will be held at Buffalo, N. Y., on the 1st of December, 1870. At all of these conventions the attendance was large, good feeling and harmony pervaded the discussions, and measures having an im- portant bearing upon the commercial interests of the country were adopted with unanimity. CONGREGATIONALISTS. The principal object of the American Congregational Union, though not so contemplated directly in the first place, "is now," it is stated in the report for 1868, " and is likely to be for many years to come," to aid new and feeble Congregational Churches in their efforts to build themselves houses of worship. It has begun to give es- pecial attention to points on the railroads across the continent, and to those on other important routes through newly-opened re- gions. It will also extend its field so as to aid in building parsonages. The sixteenth anni- versary was held in Brooklyn, N. Y., on the 13th of May. The receipts for the year had been $53,629.71. There had been paid, in appropriations to 67 churches, $28,690.35. Appropriations were pledged to 31 churches, amounting to $13,200. Of the rest, $9,721.46 had been spent for salaries, and there was an unexpended balance of $2,017. Sixty -five churches had been completed during the year, with the aid of the Association. The average amount of funds furnished to each church was $412. The Union hopes to con- solidate all the contributions of the congre- gations in. aid of feeble churches, and to arrive at the means of making a fair and equi- table division among all applicants, so thaf none shall be preferred at the expense of another, and the congregations may not be annoyed by special appeals or the solicitations of travelling agents. The purpose of the " American Congrega- tional Association" is to establish in Boston, "near the old and first home of the Puritans," a " home " for the 3,000 ministers and 300,000 members of the Congregational churches, where may be gathered all the books, pam- phlets, engravings, prints, manuscripts, and other mementos of the Puritan fathers, to. form the nucleus of a great Congregational Library, where may be provided " a place for consultation, for mutual intercourse, for greet- ings," and to provide in the building "a symbol, a centre of Congregationalism," a location for its societies, and centres of correspondence. At the last annual meeting (the sixteenth), which was held in Boston, on the 25th of May, the association resolved " that no time ought to be CONGREGATIONALISTS. 119 lost in securing the proposed Congregational house in Boston, either by separate and inde- pendent erection at the expense of the Asso- ciation, or by cooperation with kindred so- cieties." The receipts of the Association for the year closing with the anniversary were $33,780.11. The additions to the library dur- ing the year numbered 2,680. The total number of bound volumes is 10,739, relating chiefly to Congregational, early New England, and ecclesiastical history. The Congregational Publication Society was formed in 1868, and is designed to become the organ of publication for the Congregational- ists of the United States. It will undertake the publication of works of early and late New England divines, and the reprint of such foreign books as seem adapted to its ob- jects. The American Home Missionary Society, its auxiliaries and agencies, employed, during the year ending with the meeting in May, 972 ministers of the Gospel. They were distri- buted in 28 different States and Territories: New England had 327; the Middle States, 73 ; the Southern States, 8; the "Western States, including 30 ministers laboring on the Pacific coast, 564. The number of congregations and missionary districts fully or partially supplied was 1,956. Four missionaries were commis- sioned as pastors over colored people; one preached to Indians; and 35 preached in foreign languages. The number of Sunday- school and Bible-class scholars under the care of the missionaries was about 75,300; the number of conversions reported by 411 mis- sionaries was 2,959 ; the additions to the churches, as nearly as could be ascertained, was 6,470; the contributions to benevolent objects, reported by 567 ministers, amounted to $38,- 040.93. Seventy-four churches were organized during the year, sixty became self-supporting, fifty-eight church buildings were completed, and thirty-two others were commenced, and 88 young men in connection with missionary churches were preparing for the ministry. The receipts, including the balance in the treasury, were $282,858.23, or $23,199.11 greater than those of any former ^ear of the society. The expenditures likewise exceeded those of any year by $20,263.90, and the number of minis- ters and amount of service performed were greater than ever before. The total receipts, during the forty-three years the society has been in operation, were $5,455,213.64; the total number of additions to the churches during the same period was 205,165. At the anniversary of the Congregational Union of England and "Wales, which was held on the llth of May, the society was reported in a condition of great prosperity. There was a balance in the treasury of 3,758 4s. 2d. The sales of publications had been large. Grants had been made to the Congregational churches in connection with the French Cana- dian Mission, and to the Union of Evangelical Churches in France, and to various home and colonial enterprises in which the Union had a more particular interest; and there had been a small balance to the American freed- merj. The Congregational Quarterly, for January, 1870, reports the statistics of Congregational- ism in the United States and British colonies for the year 1869, as follows: STATES, ETC. Ministers Members. In Sunday- schools. Alabama 1 37 00 A Arkansas 2 71 California 48 2 121 5T78 Colorado 5 105 174. Connecticut 290 49 263 48 786 Dakota 1 29 110 District of Columbia 1 188 170 Georgia. 4 167 480 Illinois . 244 18 505 25 029 Indiana 26 1 144 1 253 Iowa 189 9 674 10 472 Kansas 49 1 606 2 144 Kentucky 2 253 245 Louisiana 10 571 570 Maine 237 19,812 22 488 Maryland 1 78 94-fi Massachusetts 500 80,057 98 844 Michigan 175 10 884 1 6 211 Minnesota . 68 3 028 4 066 Mississippi 1 39 100 Missouri 56 1 927 3 629 Nebraska 15 388 858 New Hampshire 185 18 109 2 9 745 New Jersey. . . . 15 1 725 2 508 New York 252 25 448 28 464 Ohio .. 189 16 616 18 536 Oregon 8 432 ? 738 Pennsyl vania 69 3,952 5 116 Rhode Island 25 4 025 5 392 South Carolina 1 170 ' 75 Tennessee 4 215 1 145 Texas . .. 2 182 120 Vermont. . 176 18 593 19 327 Virginia. . . 4 38 70 Washington Territory. . . Wisconsin. ... 1 166 24 10 870 75 13 848 Wyoming 1 16 '100 Missionaries Total United States Ontario and Quebec 3,043 98 300,362 4,476 361,502 6 300 New Brunswick 5 383 378 Nova Scotia 8 545 742 Jamaica . 5 443 428 Total North America. . . 3,159 306,209 369,350 The English Congregational Tear-looTc for 1870 reports the following of Congregational- ism in Great Britain and the British dependen- cies: COUNTRIES. County Associations and Unions. Churches. Ministers and Missionaries .England 45 2050 1 875 Wales 16 846 390 Scotland 8 102 103 Ireland 1 27 7 Colonies 8 281 220 Islands of the British Seas Foreign lands (includ- f ing native missiona's f 16 214 120 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. The third session of the Fortieth Congress * com- menced on December 7, 1868. (For the Presi- dent's Message, see PUBLIC DOCUMENTS, Ax- NUAL CYCLOPEDIA, 1868.) Benjamin Wade, of Ohio, was President pro tern, of the Senate, and Schuyler Colfax, of Indiana, Speaker of the House. * The following IB a list of the members of Congress : SENATE. Alabama Willard Warner, George E. Spencer. Arkansas Alexander McDonald, Benjamin F. Rice. California Cornelius Cole, John Conness. CWwettCT^-Janies Dixon, Orrin S. Ferry. 2kknoare3&mea A. Bayard, Willard Saulsbury. Florida Adoniiah S. Welch, Thomas W. OB born. Georgia Not admitted. Illinois Lyman Trumbull, Eichard Yates. Indiana, Oliver P. Morton, Thomas A. Hendricks. Iowa James W. Grimes, James Harlan. Kansas Samuel C. Pomeroy, Edmund C. Ross. Kentucky Garret Davis, Thomas C. McCreery. Louisiana John S. Harris, William P. Kellogg. Maine Lot M. Morrill, William Pitt Fessenden. Maryland William Pinkney Whyte, George Vickers. Massachusetts Charles Sumner, Henry Wflson. Michigan Zachariah Chandler, Jacob M. Howard. Minnesota Alexander Ramsey, Daniel S. Norton. Missouri Charles D. Drake, John B. Henderson. Nebraska John M. Thayer, Thomas W. Tipton. Nevada -William M. Stewart, James W. Nye. New Hampshire James W. Patterson, Aaron H. New' Jersey Alexander G. Cattell, Frederick T. Fre- linghuysen. New ForJfc Roscoe Conkling, Edwin D. Morgan. North Carolina Joseph C. Abbott, John Poor. Ohio John Sherman, Benjamin F. Wade. Oregon Henry W. Corbett, George H. Williams. Pennsylvania Simeon Cameron, Charles R. Buckalew. Rhode Island William Sprague, Henry B. Anthony. South Carolina Thomas J. Robertson, Frederick A. Sawyer. Tennessee David D. Patterson, J. S. Fowler. Vermont Justin S. Morrill, George F. Edmunds. West Virginia Peter G. Van Winkle, Waitman T. Willey. . Wisconsin Timothy O. Howe, James R. Doolittle. Not admitted, at this session. Mississippi William L. Sharkey, J. L. Alcorn. Virginia John C. Underwood, Joseph Segar. Texas David G. Burnett, O. M. Roberts. Alabama Francis W. Kellogg, Charles W. Buckley, Benjamin W. Norris, Charles W. Pierce, John B. Callis, Thomas Haughey. Arkansas Eagan W. Roots, J. F. Elliott, Thomas Boles. California Samuel B. Axtell, William Higby, James A. Johnson. Connecticut Richard D. Hubbard, Julius Hotchkiss, Henry H. Starkweather. William H. Barnum. Delaware John A. Nicholson. Florida Charles M. Hamilton. Georgia- J. W. Clift, Nelson Tift, William P. Edwards, Samuel F. Gove, Charles H. Prince, John H. Christy, P. M. B. Young. Illinois Norman B. Judd, John F. Farnsworth, Elihu B. Washburne, Abner C. Harding, Ebon C. Ingersoll, Burton C. Cook, Henry P. H. Bromwell, Shelby M. Cul- lotn, Lewis W. Ross, Albert G. Burr, Samuel S. Marshall Jehu Baker, Green B. Raum ; at large, John A. Logan. //uftana-Wtlliam D. Niblack, Michael C. Kerr, Morton C. Hunter. William S. Holman, George W. Julian, John Cobum, Henry D. Washburn, Godlove S. Orth, Schuyler Colfax, William Williams, John P. C. Shanks'. 7 citizen of the right to vote by a State des-troy the republican form of its government. It was not so understood at the adoption of the Con- stitution, and has never been so claimed by any sane man. That the question of who shall exercise the right of suffrage is a delicate and most important question, I admit. That the power of determining it ought to be dispassion- ately and wisely exercised is equally true. On its being so used depend greatly the welfare and happiness of the body-politic and the per- manence and endurance of our republican- Government and institutions. But, that this- power rests in the States,, and ought to rest 130 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. there, I have no doubt. That the rights and liberties of the people are safer with this pow- er in the control of the States than in the con- trol of the Federal Government, I certainly be- lieve. " And, sir, without meaning any disrespect to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Boutwell), I must say that it seems to me that his bill and resolution for the amendment of the Constitution, and his 'cumulative reme- dies,' as he styled them, for the evils which ex- ist, in his judgment, with reference to the per- sons who ought to exercise the right of suffrage, are &felo de %e. If the power exists in the Fed- eral Government to pass this bill, whether under any one or all the provisions referred to, then I admit that Congress has the right to control the whole question of suffrage and the qualification of electors for all officers, State and national. There can be no reason for its entering the State and determining the qualifi- cation of those who are to elect the officers named in the bill, that will not apply to every officer of the State, so far as the question of power is concerned. The electors of President and Vice-President are' not named in section four of the first article. The power claimed, therefore, under the word 'manner' in this section can no more apply to them than to the Governor of the State or any other State offi- cer. So that if it covers electors it may as well cover, and does as necessarily cover, all that is contemplated by the amendment proposed by the joint resolution. The amendment is, then, worse than useless. -If it be necessary for the purpose it contemplates, it must be a most pregnant admission that the bill is unconstitu- tional." Mr. Beck, of Kentucky, said : " This singu- lar anomaly is presented for the first time in the history of this, or, I suppose, of any other country. The States are asked to so enlarge the grant of powers in the Constitution as to enable Congress, by appropriate legislation, to enforce the right of any citizen of the United States to vote in any State, regardless of race, color, or previous condition of slavery, the constitution and laws of the State to the con- trary notwithstanding. The proposition ask- ing for the grant of power from the States, by whom alone, when thus proposed, it can be granted through their Legislatures, admits upon its face that the power to grant or refuse to grant the proposition or request of Congress is lodged in the States, and that, if they refuse to transfer it, Congress has no right to exercise it ; and yet, before the proposition has received the sanction of a single State, Congress pro- poses, by the bill now under consideration, to exercise all the power which the proposed amendment would give it, and which, for aught we know, every State may refuse to surrender when the proposition is submitted to them. The reputation of the majority of the Judiciary Committee of this House will not be promoted in the eyes of the civilized world by the seri- ous presentation of such anomalous and incon- sistent propositions. To ask States to grant powers, and at the same time to exercise them in spite of the constitutions and laws of the States who are asked to make the grant, is, it seems to me, too absurd for grown men seri- ously to consider. If we have the power now, the proposed amendment to the Constitution is folly. If such an amendment is required to confer the power upon us, the proposed law is the grossest and most shameless usurpation and oppression. "When the distinguished gentleman was goading his party on with the lash of necessity, and telling them it was top late to look back that their only safety lay in consummating the revolution they had inaugurated I could un- derstand him ; but when he urged that both the amendment and the law were indispensable, because the party was divided in opinion as to where the power now was, I hardly think he .was intelligible to himself. " The idea that this is a nation that the na- tional Congress is vested with all power neces- sary to preserve whatever a majority of Con- gress may consider the life of the nation, which, properly speaking, now means the life of the radical party, was urged with a vehemence only equalled by the contempt with which the idea that this is a Union of coequal, confeder- ated States was scouted and sneered at. " Whatever stress may be laid on the lan- guage of the preamble, the fact remains that we are living under a Constitution framed by States, ratified by States, and which has been and can be only amended or altered which is the better word when applied to the present and the last so-called amendment by States. We are in no sense a nation, and whenever we become so we will be a centralized despotism in some form. The United States of America will have ceased to exist; anarchy or empire will have come. Nothing short of separate, independent State governments can manage and control the great, diversified, widely-sepa- rated, and often conflicting interests of this people. Perhaps the best way to determine who framed the Constitution is to ascertain who has the power to alter and amend it, as it can hardly be supposed that its framers would transfer to a power other than its maker the power under the guise of amendments to alter and destroy it. How can it be amended ? The Constitution says : Only by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress. " This Congress, of course, prefers and pro- poses the former, for the very obvious reason that it does not desire nor intend that the peo- ple of the States shall have any right to delib- erate or decide on the propositions, choosing rather to trust their partisans in the State Le- gislatures, all of whom have been elected al- ready, without reference to and without any CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 131 knowledge on the part of the people who elect- ed them that they would be called upon to consider so grave a proposition as the annul- ling of their own State constitutions on the question of suffrage." The motion of Mr. Boutwell to reconsider was agreed to, when a motion was made to re- commit the joint resolution to the Judiciary Committee. This motion was afterward with- drawn, and the joint resolution came before the House as follows : Be. it resolved, oy the Senate and House^ of Represent- atives of the United States of America in Congress as- sembled (two-thirds of both Houses concurring), That the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Consti- tution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be held as part of said Constitution, namely : AETICLE . Sec, 1. The right of any citizen of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State by reason of the race, color, or previous condition of slavery of any citizen or class of citizens of the United States. Sec. 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce, by proper legislation, the provisions of this article. Mr. Boutwell: "I move to amend section one by striking out the word ' the ' before 'race.'" The amendment was agreed to. Mr. Boutwell then said: "Mr. Speaker, I am of opinion, upon the whole, that the amendment, as it came from the committee, which says that 'the right of any citizen of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged,' is a comprehensive and explicit declaration. I thought so when it was drawn, and on the whole I think it best for the amend- ment that I should not undertake to incorpo- rate into it the language used by the gentle- man from Ohio (Mr. Shellabarger) ; but, in or- der that the sense of the House may be tested upon the question not that I am myself of the opinion that it will add any thing substan- tial to the value of the amendment I will propose to add to section one the words l nor shall educational attainments or the possession or ownership of property ever be made a test of the right of any citizen to vote,' and on that amendment I will ask the previous ques- tion." Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, said: "It must oc- cur to the gentleman from Massachusetts, on a moment's reflection, that the designation of property and educational qualifications recog- nizes the right in every State of establishing a religious test ; and I ask the gentleman why he will insist on the previous question upon a proposition which, as it stands by a well- known rule of construction, commits this House to the monstrous proposition that every State in the Union may establish a religious test as a qualification of the elective franchise. The exceptions made by the gentlemen are, I be- lieve, a property qualification and an educa- tional qualification, and the result is, in the words of one of the foremost jurists of Amer- ica, that every other thing not included in this exception may be made a test, and that is the reason I object to it." Mr. Eldridge : " I ask the gentleman if, in the view he has taken of the proposed amend- ment to the Constitution, there may not be established by the States any and every other test but the two only that are excepted ? " Mr. Bingham : " That is exactly what I have said touching the proposition of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Boutwell)." Mr. Eldridge: "Not only a religious test, but every test that the mind of man can con- ceive, that does not come under the head of property or of education ? " Mr. Bingham : " Certainly." Mr. Maynard, of Tennessee: "I would ask the gentleman if his objection will not apply equally to every form of amendment we may adopt, unless we undertake to declare affirma- tively what shall be the qualifications of a voter ? This proposed amendment speaks only negatively when it speaks of the qualifications of a voter, stating that certain matters shall not be a test against a voter, leaving every thing else open." Mr. Bingham: "I am glad to have an op- portunity to answer the question of the gen- tleman from Tennessee (Mr. Maynard). If there were nothing at all here except the first section, I might see a great deal of weight in the gentleman's suggestion. But there hap- pens to be added to that a second section, giving to Congress the express power to en- force the prohibition. The result of the whole matter is, that, if we amend this first section, as suggested by my honorable colleague as well as by myself, by the second section Congress is invested with express authority to enforce the limitation." Mr. Jenckes, of Ehode Island, said: "Does the gentleman understand that this second section gives to Congress the power to pre- scribe affirmatively the qualifications of elec- tors in these elections ; or does it simply give the power to enforce the prohibition upon the States ; in other words, can that power be ex- ercised by Congress so as to secure uniformity of qualification of electors in all the States of the Union?" Mr. Bingham: "I answer the gentleman that I have not the least doubt on the ques- tion as a question of law. There are other negative provisions in the Constitution of the United States ; for example, the express nega- tive provision that 'no State shall pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts.' By virtue of your judiciary act, as it has been in force from the foundation of the Government to this day, that limitation upon the power of the States is uniform, and, whenever or wher- ever any State has undertaken by legislative enactment, or by constitutional provision, if you please I care not which to impair the obligation of contracts, that wrong has, by the operation of your law, been righted ; so that the provision of the Constitution has operated 132 uniformly. Whenever Congress has the power under the Constitution to enforce the limita- tions of that instrument, even upon States, the exercise of the power will be as uniform as the exercise of any affirmative power can possibly be. It must be so ; it cannot be otherwise." Mr. Boutwell : " Mr. Speaker, I do not see that the argument made by the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Bingham) changes the con- dition of the question at all. If it be true, as he argues, that under this amendment the States would have the right to impose a religious test, it is equally true that they can do so now. What he has said only adds force to the suggestion I made, that the amendment proposed by the gentleman from Ohio, if referred to the State ^ Legisla- tures, will be met by all these difficulties ; and, although I should be willing to strike down all educational or property tests, and all pos- sibility of their being established anywhere, the probability is that the amendment which we are discussing, if submitted substantially as it came from the committee, will be stronger before the people, and that if we should at- tempt to grasp at too much we shall lose the whole. I believe that, if we adhere to the proposition to protect the people of this coun- try against distinction on account of race, color, or previous condition of slavery, we undertake all that it is probably safe for us to undertake now." The question was then put on Mr. Bout- well's amendment ; and there were yeas 45, nays 95. So the amendment was disagreed to. Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, now moved an amendment, in lieu of the first section, to which Mr. Shellabarger offered an amend- ment, as follows : Strike out in the amendment of Mr. Bingham the provision proposed to be inserted in lieu of section one of the proposed new article of the Constitution, and insert in lieu thereof the following : No State shall make or enforce any law which shall deny or abridge to any male citizen of the United States of the age of twenty-one years or over, and who is of sound mind, an equal vote at all elections in the State in which he shall have such actual resi- dence as shall be prescribed by law, except to such as have engaged or may hereafter engage in insurrec- tion or rebellion against the United States, and to such as shall be duly convicted of treason, felony, or other infamous crime. The question was taken ; and it was decided in the negative yeas 61, nays 126, not voting 35; as follows: j f 'faf***"* 'y**< J-IAC*J vMutm A jtJiiivti Gravely, Hamilton, Hawkins, Hooper, C Hubbard, Judd, Julian, Kelley, Kelsey, George V] Lawrence. William Lawrence, Loan, Logan, May- Tiara. Mullins, Newsham, Norris, Orth, Paine, Plants, Polsley, Price, Prince, Sawyer, Schenck, Scofield Shanks, Shellabarger, Starkweather, Stokes, Sypher. Twichell, Robert T. Van Horn, Ward. Cadwalader G! Washburn, Henry D. Washburn, William B. Wash- CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. burn, Welker, Whittemore, and William Williams NATS Messrs. Allison, Archer, Arnell, James M. Ashley, Axtell, Bailey, Baker, Banks, Barnum, Beck, Benjamin, Bingham, Blame, Blair, Boutwell, Boy den, Boyer, Bromwell, Brooks, Burr, Benjamin F. Butler, Callis, Cary, Chanler, Churchill, Sidney Clarke, Cook, Corley, Covode, Deweese. Dockery, Dodge, Donnel- ly, Driggs, Edwards, Eldridge, Thomas D. Eliot, Ferriss, Ferry, Fields, Fox, Garfield, Getz, Golladay, Goss, Gove, Griswold, Grover, Haight ; Halsey, Hard- ing, Haughey, Heaton, Higby, Hopkins, Hotchkiss, Hulburd, Humphrey, Hunter, Jenckes, Johnson, Alexander H. Jones, Thomas L. Jones, Kerr, Ketch- Perham, Peters, Phelps, Pierce, Pike, Pile, Poland, Pruyn, Randall, Raum, Robertson, Robinson, Roots, Ross, Sitgreaves, Smith, Spalding, Stewart. Stone, Stover, Taber, Taffe, Taylor, Thomas, Tift, John Trimble, Trowbridge, Upson, Van Aernam, Van Auken, Burt Van Horn, Van Trump, Van Wyck, John T. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, Wood- bridge, Woodward, and Young 126. NOT VOTING Messrs. Adams, Ames, Anderson, Barnes, Blackburn, Buckley, Roderick R. Butler, Reader W. Clarke, Cornell, Dickey, Dixon, Farns- worth, Glossbrenner, Hill, Holman, Asahel W. Hub- bard, Richard D. Hubbard, Ingersoll, Kellogg, Kitch- en, Lynch, Mallory, McCarthy, Moorhead, Morrissey, Pettis, Pomeroy, Selye, Stevens, Lawrence S. Trim- ble, Vidal.Elihu B. Washburne, Thomas Williams, James F. Wilson, and Wood 35. So Mr. Shellabarger's amendment to the amendment of Mr. Bingham was not agreed to. The question then recurred on Mr. Bing- ham's amendment, as follows : Strike out all of article one and insert as follows : Section 1. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall deny or abridge to any male citizen of the United States ot sound mind and twenty-one years of age or upward the equal exercise of the elective franchise at all elections in the State wherein he shall have actually resided for a period of one year next E receding such election, subject to such registration vws and laws prescribing local residence as the State may enact, except such of said citizens as shall en- gage in rebellion or insurrection, or who may have been, or shall be, duly convicted of treason or other infamous crime. The question was taken ; and it was decided in the negative yeas 24, nays 160, not voting 38 ; as follows : YEAS Messrs. Axtell, Baker, Bingham, Brooks, Deweese, Dockery. Eldridge, Garfield, Haight, Hea- ton, Hotchkiss, Alexander H. Jones, McCullough, Phelps, Plants. Robinson, Ross, Spalding, Stewart, Stone, Tift, John T. Wilson, Woodward, and Young 24. NATS Messrs. Allison, Arnell, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Bailey, Banks, Beaman, Beatty, Beck, Benjamin, Benton, Blaine, Blair, Boles, Bout- well, Bowen, Boyden, Boyer, Bromwell, Broomall, Buckland, Buckley, Burr, Beni'amin F. Butler, Cake, Callis, Gary, Chanler, Churchill, Sidney Clarke, Clift, Cobb, Coburn, Cook.Cprley, Covode, Cullom, Dawes, Delano, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Eggleston, Ela, Thomas D. Eliot, James T. Elliott, Ferriss, Ferry, Fields, Fox, French, Getz, Golladay, Goss, Gove, Gravely, Griswold, Grover, Halsey, Hamilton, Har- ding, Hawkins, Higby, Hooper, Hopkins, Chester D. Hubbard, Hulburd, Humpnrey, Hunter, Jenckes, Johnson, Thomas L. Jones, Judd, Julian, Kelley, Kellogg, Kelsey, Kerr, Ketcha^, Koontz, Laflin, Lash, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Lin- CONGBESS, UNITED STATES. 133 coin. Loan, Logan, Loughridge, Lynch, Mallory, Mar- shall, Marvin, Maynard, McCormick, McKee, Mer- cur, Miller, Moore, Moorhead, Morrell. Mullins, Mun- gen, Myers, Newcomb, Newsham, Niblack, Norris, Nunn, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Perham, Peters, Pierce, Pike, Poland, Polsley, Price, Prince, Pruyn, Eandall, Eaum, Eobertson, Eoots, Sawyer, Schenck, Scofield, Selye, Shanks, Shellabarger, Sitgreaves, Smith, Stark- weather, Stokes, Stover, Sypher, Taber, Taffe, Tay- lor, Thomas, Trowbridge.Twichell, Upson, Van Aernam, Van Auken. Burt V an Horn, Kobert T. Van Horn, Van Trump, Van Wyck, Ward, Cadwalader C. Washburn. Henry D. Washburn, William B. Wash- burn, Welker, Whittemore, Thomas Williams, Wil- liam Williams, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, and Woodbridge 160. NOT VOTING Messrs. Adams, Ames, Anderson, Archer, Baldwin, Barnes, Barnum, Blackburn, Eod- erick E. Butler, Eeader W. Clarke, Cornell, Dickey, Dixon, Dodge, Edwards, Farnsworth, GlossbrenneV, Haughey, Hill, Holman, Asahel W. Hubbard, Eich- ard D. Hubbard, Ingersoll, Kitchen, Knott, McCar- thy, Morrissey, Nicholson, Pettis, Pile, Pomeroy, Stevens, John. Trimble, Lawrence S. Trimble,Vidal, Elihu B. Washburne, James F. Wilson, and Wood 38. So the amendment was rejected. The joint resolution was then ordered to be engrossed and read a third time. The result having been announced as above, the joint resolution, being engrossed, was read the third time. Mr. Boutwell : " I move the previous ques- tion on the passage, and demand the yeas and nays." The previous question was seconded, and the main question ordered. The question was then taken on its passage, and it was decided in the affirmative, as fol- lows: YEAS Messrs. Allison, Arnell, Delos E. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Bailey, Baldwin, Banks. Beaman, Beatty .Benjamin, Benton, Blackburn, Blame, Blair, Boles, Boutwell, Bowen, Boyden, Bromwell, Broom- all, Buckland, Buckley, Benjamin F. Butler, Cake, Callis, Churchill, Sidney Clarke, Clift, Cobb Cobum^ Cook, Corley, Covode, Cullom, Dawes, Delano, De- weese, Dockery, Dodg_e, Donnelly, Driggs, Eckley, Edwards, Eggleston. Ela, Thomas D. Eliot, James T. Elliott, Farnsworth, Ferriss, Ferry, Fields, French, Garfield, Goss, Gove, Gravely, Griswold, Halsey, Hamilton, Harding, Haughey, Heaton, Higby, Hoop- er, Hopkins, Chester D. Hubbard, Hulburd, Hunter, Jenckes, Alexander H. Jones, Judd, Julian, Kelley, Kellogg, Kelsey, Ketcharn ? Koontz, Laflin, Lash, George V. Lawrence ? William Lawrence, Lincoln, Loan, Logan, Loughridge, Lynch, Marvin, Maynard, McKee, Mercur, Miller, Moore, Moorheadj Morrell, Mullins, Myers .Newcomb, Newsham, Norns, Nunn, O'Neill, Orth, Paine, Perham, Peters. Pierce, Pike, Pile, Plants, Poland, Price, Prince, Baum, Eobert- Bon, Eoots, Sawyer, Scofield, Selye, Shanks, Shella- barger, Smith, Spalding, Starkweather. Stewart, Stokes, Stover, Taffe, Taylor, Thomas, John Trim- ble, Trowbridge, Twichell, Upson, Van Aernam, Burt Van Horn. Eobert T. Van Horn, Van Wyck, Ward, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Henrv D. Wash- burn, William B. Washburn, Welker, Whittemore, Thomas Williams, William Williams, James F. Wil- son, John T. Wilson, Stephen F. Wilson, Windom, and the Speaker 150. NAYS Messrs. Archer, Axtell, Baker, Barnum, Beck, Bingham, Boyer, Brooks, Burr. Gary, Chanler, Fox, Getz, Golladay, Grover, Haight, Hawkins, Hotchkiss, Humphrey, Johnson, Thomas L. Jones, Kerr, Knott Marshall, McCormick, Mungen, Nib- lack, Nicholson, Phelps, Polsley, Pruyn, Eandall, Eobmson, Eoss, Sitgreaves, Stone, Taber, Tift, Van Auken, Van Trump, Woodward, and Young 42. NOT VOTING Messrs. Adams, Ames, Anderson, Barnes, Eoderick E. Butler. Eeader W. Clarke, Cor- nell, Dickey, Dixon. Eldndge, Glossbrenner, Hill, Holman, Asahel W. Hubbard, Richard D. Hubbard, Ingersoll, Kitchen, Mallory, McCarthy, McCullough, Morrissey, Pettis, Pomeroy, Schenck, Stevens, Sy- pher, Lawrence S. Trimble, Vidal, Elihu B. Wash- burne, Wood, and Woodbridge 31. So (two-thirds having voted in favor there- of) the joint resolution was passed. In the Senate, on January 28th, the joint resolution of the Senate, proposing an amend- ment to the Constitution, was considered in Committee of the Whole. The question was on the amendment reported by the Committee on the Judiciary. Mr. Stewart, of Nevada, said : " This amend- ment is a declaration to make all men, without regard to race or color, equal before the law. The arguments in favor of it are so numerous, so convincing, that they carry conviction to every mind. The proposition itself has been recognized by the good men of this nation ; and it is important, as the new administration enters upon the charge of the affairs of this country, that it should start on this high and noble principle that all men are free and equal, that they are really equal before the law. We cannot stop short of this. " It must he done. It is the only measure that will really abolish slavery. It is the only guarantee against peon laws and against op- pression. It is that guarantee which was put in the Constitution of the United States origi- nally, the guarantee that each man shall have a right to protect his own liberty. It repudiates that arrogant, self-righteous assumption, that one man can be charged with the liberties and destinies of another. You may put this in the form of legislative enactment; you may empower Congress to legislate ; you may em- power the States to legislate, and they will agitate the question. Let it be made the im- mutable law of the land ; let it be fixed ; and then we shall have peace. Until then there is no peace. I cannot add to the many eloquent speeches that have been made on this great question in this House." The presiding officer (Mr. Ferry in the chair) : " The question is on the amendment reported by the Committee on the Judiciary, to strike out : No State shall deny or abridge the right of its citizens to vote and hold office on account of race, color, or previous condition. " And in lieu thereof to insert : The right of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of service." The amendment was agreed to. Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, said: "'I move to amend the resolution by adding : And this and all future proposed amendments to 134 the Constitution, whether proposed by the Congress or a convention called by Congress on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several btates, instead of being submitted to the Legislatures or to conventions of the several States, shall be submitted to the vote of the people of each State ; and, if a ma- jority of the people entitled to vote on the proposed amendment ui three-fourths of the several States shall vote in favor of the proposed amendment, it shall, to all intents and purposes, be a part ot the Con- stitution. " Mr. President, the party in power professes to be very democratic. I believe it makes loader pretensions to democracy than the Dem- ocratic party ever did or now do. But what is its practice ? The honorable Senator from Nevada, who has charge of this measure, wants to Submit his proposed constitutional amend- ment to Legislatures already elected. He wants to attach the amendment to the Consti- tution by the first heat. How do he and his friends carry out their professions of democ- racy ? The Legislatures already chosen are to act upon this amendment, although they were elected by the people in advance of it and with- out regard to it. Now, my proposition is, that neither the Legislatures already chosen, nor those which may hereafter be chosen, nor any convention chosen in the several States, shall be called upon to act on the ratification of this proposed amendment to the Constitution, but that that question shall be submitted directly to the people of the various States. " Now, sir, what necessity is there for hav- ing a proposition to amend the Constitution submitted either to a Legislature or a conven- tion, in a State, called for the purpose of acting 0:1 the proposition ? They cannot add to the proposition; they cannot subtract from it; they cannot modify it. The proposition is to be voted for or against as a totality, as an en- tirety, as a matter beyond the control of the body to which it is submitted either for accept- ance or rejection." Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, said : "Mr. President, the Senator from Kentucky tells us that in proposing this amendment we are seek- ing to perpetuate our power. A word to the Senator on that point. He knows and I know that this whole struggle in this country to give equal rights and equal privileges to all citizens of the United States has been an unpopular one; that we have been forced to struggle against passions and prejudices engendered by generations of wrong and oppression ; that we have been compelled to struggle against great interests and powerful political organizations. I say to the Senator that the struggle of the last eight years to give freedom to four and a half millions of men who were held in slavery, to make them citizens of the United States, to clothe them with the right of suffrage, to give them the privilege to be voted for, to make them in all respects equal to the white citizens of the United States, has cost the party with which I act a quarter of a million of votes. There is not to-day a square mile in the United CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. States where the advocacy of the equal rights and privileges of those colored men has not been in the past and is not now unpopular. Yes, sir, the cause of the poor, wronged, op- pressed negroes has been, now is, and for some years will continue to be, an unpopular cause. The public man or the political party that hon- estly and zealously espouses their cause will continue to be misunderstood, misrepresented, and maligned. In the past the true and tried friend of the black man has been made to feel the hatred and power of the enemies of the black race. It is too much so now, and I fear it will be so in some portions of the country for years to come." Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, said : " The ques- tion which I wish to discuss just now is that of the proper submission of this amendment to the people or to the States. I am not able to concur in all of the proposition of the Sen- ator from Kentucky. One of the features of his proposition is, that the amendment may be submitted to the people of the States to be voted upon in the popular way by the people. I am not aware of any provision of the Con- stitution of the United States authorizing the ratification of an amendment in that mode. So far as the future is concerned, I have no doubt that we may so amend the Constitution. The question which I wish to speak of now is, how shall this amendment be considered by the people ? It is radical and important, and it should be decided in the country according to the will and the pleasure of the people. How can that be done ? In the absence of a constitutional provision authorizing it, I can- not see how it can be submitted to a popular vote in the States. " There are only two modes of ratification : one is by the Legislatures of the States, and the other by conventions called in the States; and it seems to be competent for Congress to decide upon the mode of ratification as be- tween these two modes. The Senator from Connecticut (Mr. Dixon) has proposed a sub- mission to conventions in the States, as I un- derstand it. That is the nearest possible ap- proach that we can now make to the people with this amendment. I wish we could pro- vide, but I am not clear that it is practicable, that this amendment shall not be considered by any Legislature already selected. If it could be submitted to Legislatures, the mem- bers of which are hereafter to be elected, that would answer every purpose, as I think, de- sired by the Senator from Connecticut ; but I suppose it is not practicable or possible for Congress to say to the States what particular Legislature shall consider the amendment, am not sure upon that question. I wish I could feel sure that we might say that the Legislatures now elected shall not consider it. I want, in some mode or other, the people to pass upon this measure. If they decide that suffrage in this country shall be without limit, then, of course, it becomes their voice; it be- CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. comes right so far as Government is concerned : but, until that is done, no submission will be altogether satisfactory. So that I know of no mode by which we can secure the voice and judgment of the people except that suggested by the Senator from Connecticut ; and what I wish to say now to the Senate is in favor of that proposition. " I submit to honorable Senators on all sides that none of us to-day politically stand in a position to deny this proposition. It is pro- posed by the Senator from Connecticut that the people, in the selection of delegates to the State Convention, shall have a voice upon this matter. It is their matter. It is ours no fur- ther than we constitute a part of the body of the people. The Senator from Connecticut proposes that the people shall speak upon the great question of changing the Constitution of the United States in regard to the exercise of political power. Is that unreasonable ? Is it not right? Did not this Government come from the people through State conventions? Is it not right that when we change it we shall come as near to the people- as is possible ? " Who says that a member of a Legislature elected last summer or fall ought to act upon a question that was not considered by the people when they elected him ? Did I under- stand some Senator to say that this question was considered in the election ? I think some Senator interrupted the distinguished Senator from Kentucky and called his attention to the election of last fall. I call your attention to the election of last fall, honorable Senators, and I ask you now to stand upon the pledge of honor that your party made to the people in the elec- tion last fall. " The position of the Democratic party last summer, I presume, is not a question of doubt or of uncertainty. That the Democratic party, in casting its vote for Seymour and Blair, did not vote for negro suffrage, is plain enough. That the Republican party last fall, in voting for Grant and Colfax, cast a vote against uni- versal suffrage is as plain. You took the ques- tion away from the people. You said that they need not consider it. You said that they should not consider it last summer ; and now I understand it to be proposed to submit it to Legislatures that are not again responsible to the people, but that were elected before this question is submitted. The second section of the Chicago platform, not yet a year old, de- clared the doctrine of the Republican party, and I simply ask honorable Senators now to make the pledged and plighted faith of their party to the country good and true, and not in the face of the nation and humanity to give it the lie : The guarantee by Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the South was demanded by every con- sideration of public safety, of gratitude, and of jus- tice, and must be maintained. " That ia plain enough. In that you say that the guarantee of suffrage to all the loyal men 135 in^the South was called for by high consider- ations and must be maintained. Your party took plain ground upon that question ; but in the Northern States, in the State that I have the honor to represent in this body, what po- sition did you take ? You go on to say : While the question of suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those States. " Not yet a year old is this political faith, declared by the grand council of your party, upon which Grant and Colfax stood before the people ; and now you propose, without giving the people a voice or a hearing upon the ques- tion, to say that the right to control suffrage in the Northern States does not belong to the people of those States. "I ask honorable Senators, upon this ques- tion of submission for ratification, what that plighted faith of a great party to the people did mean ? Was it an evasion ? If so, your party is unworthy of a nation's support. Was it a trick and a fraud ? Then you are not only unworthy of a nation's support, but worthy only of the condemnation of virtuous manhood everywhere and in all ages. To the people you submitted the question last fall, did you? You interrupt the Senator from Kentucky and say that the election last fall meant something ! If so, what did it mean ? You said to the party when they cast ballots for Grant and Colfax : ' Your ballot, if it means any thing on this subject, means just two propositions: first, that in the Southern States Congress shall maintain equal suffrage to loyal men ; but in the other States, in the Northern States, the right to control suffrage belongs to the people of those States.' Did it belong to them? Then give them a voice upon it and make this declaration of your party true, and not stand before the nation and before the world as de- claring a falsehood in a national platform." Mr. Davis: "With permission, I will with- draw the amendment which I proposed." The President pro tempore: "The amend- ment is withdrawn." Mr. Dixon, of Connecticut, said: "What is the question ? It is not merely a question of suffrage. That of itself is a subject of vast importance, and is now agitating the public mind of this country to a very great extent. The question whether the female sex should be permitted to participate in the privilege of suffrage, whether other restrictions should be removed, the question of age, the question of property, a multitude of questions are or may be raised which are vastly important and interesting in connection with the right of suffrage. But, sir, we are not now dealing merely with the qualification of voters. The question is not what shall be the qualifications of the voter, but who shall create, establish, and prescribe those qualifications ; not who shall be the voter, but who shall make the voter. "In considering that question, we ought to 136 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. remember that it is utterly impossible that any State should be an independent republic which does not entirely control its own laws with regard to the right of suffrage. Nor does it make the slightest difference with regard to this that any abdication or abnegation of its power is voluntary. It may be said that it is proposed that the States shall voluntarily re- linquish their power to control the subject of suffrage within their respective limits. Sir, suppose a State should voluntarily assume upon itself a foreign yoke, or declare by a majority of its own people, or even by a unanimous vote, that it would prefer a monarchy, would the fact of its being voluntary at all affect the question whether it was still an independent republic ? " Now, sir, it may be that the people of this country in their present condition of mind are ready to relinquish the power in the States of regulating their own laws with regard to suf- frage ; and if it should so prove, and the result should show that your own State (Ohio) and my State (Connecticut), having once or twice voted against extending the right of suffrage to the negro race, should now consent that a central power should regulate that question, and should do this voluntarily and freely, nevertheless they would by that action lose their character as republican governments. And, sir, that is the reason why it was that in the formation of the Constitution of the United States there was an entire neglect to interfere in the slightest degree with the question of suffrage in the several States. Look through the Constitution as it was formed, and you find no allusion whatever to the question of suffrage, except by reference to existing laws and qualifications in the then existing States. " It was the principle that an independent republic must necessarily control the question of suffrage in its own elections. This lies at the very foundation of all government, and it is therefore wholly impossible for any State to be an independent republic or an indepen- dent government in which the right of suf- frage is controlled by an external power, whether by the consent of that State or against its consent. For that reason, when it is pro- posed to amend the Constitution of the United States in this respect, it is very questionable whether it is not an amendment which subverts the whole foundation and principle of the Gov- ernment. Suppose an amendment were offered here to-day proposing that this Government, instead of being a republic, should be a mon- archy ; suppose it were proposed to strike out the clause of the Constitution guaranteeing a republican form of government to each State, and instead of that to insert a guarantee of a monarchy to each State. I do not know that this amendment would not be within the power of Congress to propose. The Consti- tution provides that Congress may propose such amendments as in its own judgment it shall think best and proper. If a proposition of that kind were made, it is very true it might be objected, ' This goes to the foundation of your Government; this is not amendment; it is revolution, it is subversion.' Can that not be said in this instance ? Is the proposed amendment any more a fair carrying out of the intention of the Constitution when it provides for its own amendment than it would be if it proposed directly to subvert the form of government, if it be true that the right of exercising and controlling the power of suf- frage must necessarily exist in a State or it ceases to be a republic ? " Mr. Ferry : "I move to amend the recital in the proposed amendment by striking out the words ' the Legislatures of and inserting the words 'conventions in,' and also where the word ' Legislatures ' occurs in the second place to insert the word ' conventions ' in lieu of it. I find that the Constitution merely refers to ' conventions.' " The President pro tempore : " The amend- ment will be read." That the following article be proposed to conven- tions in the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when rati- fied by three-fourths of said conventions, shall be valid as part of the Constitution, etc. Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, said: "I will state what I understand to be the principle of the Constitution in relation to amendment, and I ask the attention of the honorable Senator from Kansas for one moment to the proposition. The great leading idea of the amendment which he proposes is, that no citizen of the United States should have any right whatever that every other citizen is not entitled to share. Do I understand the honorable gentleman's idea? " Mr. Pomeroy : " My idea is that civil and political rights belong to all citizens alike ; I do not mean the rights of private property." Mr. Davis: "We understand each other. Now, I lay down the proposition with more distinctness, with more truth and philosophy than the honorable Senator's proposition, that each State in the Union is entitled under our Constitution to all the rights and privileges that any or every other State is entitled to. Here is the State of Virginia, with all her illustrious history and with all of her Eevolutionary remi- niscences, excluded by force and violence from her just representation in the Senate of the United States. Here is the State of Mississippi in the same predicament. Here is the State of Texas in a like predicament. Here is the State of Georgia in a sort of hybrid condition, neither flesh nor fowl, neither fish nor bird, fully represented, I believe, in the other branch of Congress, and without a voice in this assem- bly of the conscript fathers of the nation ; and in this condition of things the Senate of the United States undertakes the burlesque of gravely amending the Constitution of the United States! " Sir, I say it is not competent for the Senate of the United States to act, in this state of its CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 137 organization, upon a proposed amendment to the Constitution. It is a mockery. If there was communication between the other world and this, or with the ashes of the illustrious dead who have been so long since borne to their graves, the enormity of such a proposition would be enough to reanimate their ashes and to make their illustrious persons turn over in their tombs. Is the extravagance of this day and generation of ours to have no bounds ? I ask you, Mr. President (Mr. Frelinghuysen in the chair), an advocate of all these anomalous and revolutionary movements, by what author- ity can the Senate of the United States proceed to propose amendments to the Constitution, ex- cluding the State of Georgia from her represen- tation in the Senate ? I put it stronger than that : what right has this Senate or this Con- gress to exclude the other three States that I have named from their representation in the two Houses of Congress, and to undertake the most important function of Government in the United States ; and that is, to alter the funda- mental law in their absence ? *' Sir, your amendments to the Constitution are all void ; they are of no effect. They were proposed by a mutilated Congress ; they were proposed by a mutilated House of Representa- tives and Senate. That mutilation at one time was voluntary, but now, since it has been healed by the submission and obedience of the insur- gents to the Constitution and laws of the United States, you have proceeded to continue it, to enlarge it, to protect it indefinitely ; and with all this violence done by you to the Constitu- tion, and to the rights of the people and the sovereign States of the United States to take part in this important business of amending the Constitution, you still continue the mockery of your amendments. How ridiculous ! How absurd!" On February 3d, the Senate, on motion of Mr. Stewart, of Nevada, proceeded to the con- sideration of the House resolution above-men- tioned for an amendment of the Constitution, as in Committee of the Whole. He moved to amend the resolution by striking out the whole of section one, and inserting, in lieu thereof, the following : The right of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or any State, for any reason not equally applicable to all citizens. A debate subsequently ensued, during which. Mr. Morton, of Indiana, said : " Mr. President, yesterday my colleague (Mr. Hendricks) ad- dressed the Senate at some length, and was followed in the same strain of remark by the Senator from Connecticut (Mr. Dixon), to show that the Republican party was committed by the platform adopted at Chicago from taking any action upon this subject. Yery much stress was placed upon it by my colleague, as well as the Senator from Connecticut, who, I believe, repeated his argument this afternoon in several forms. It is insisted that the Republican party committed itself to the doctrine that, so far as suffrage in the loyal States was concerned, it should be left entirely to the States. That reso- lution, perhaps, went no further, and was in- tended to go no further, than to define the con- stitutional position of the party that, as the Constitution now is, the regulation of suffrage belongs to the several States ; but it certainly was not intended to commit the party to the doctrine that it would not at any time there- after propose to change the Constitution upon that subject. "Now, Mr. President, I propose to speak for a few minutes in regard to the language of this amendment. I will vote for the amend- ment as it came from the House of Representa- tives, or I will vote for the clause as reported by the Judiciary Committee in the Senate if I can get no better form ; but I desire to say that it comes far short of what should now be the action of Congress on this subject, in my opin- ion. The resolution as it came from the House and the amendment reported by the Committee on the Judiciary are in substance the same, differing somewhat in phraseology. The amend- ment of our committee is : The right of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or any State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. " It will be observed that this language ad- mits or recognizes that the whole power over the question of suffrage is vested in the several States, except as it shall be limited by this amendment. It tacitly concedes that the States may disfranchise the colored people or any other class of people for other reasons save and except those mentioned in the amendment. They cannot be disfranchised by reason of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. In other words, it leaves all the existing irregu- larities and incongruities in suffrage. I have entertained the idea that, when we came to amend the Constitution upon this subject, we ought to make suffrage uniform throughout the United States ; that the same class of men should be allowed in every State to vote for President and Yice-President, and members of Congress, and members of the State Legisla- tures, that elect Senators ; that the same class of men excluded in one State ought to be ex- cluded in every other State. In other words, I think suffrage ought to be uniform. " In the State of Indiana a man of foreign birth, who has been in the United States one year and in the State of Indiana six months, and who has declared his intention to become a citizen of the United States, is allowed to vote for President, Vice-President, members of Congress, and State officers. Just over the line, in the State of Ohio, the same man would ngt be allowed to vote unless he had been in the country five years and had become fully naturalized. Here is a class of men taking % part in the government of the country in one 138 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. State who are excluded in the next State. I am not discussing the propriety or impropriety of these regulations, but I am speaking of their inconsistencies. In the State of Massachusetts, for instance, they have an educational test ; in the State of Rhode Island, if I am correctly in- formed, there is a property qualification. The population of that State is so numerous that the voting ratio must he reduced by requiring a property qualification. In some States a residence of six months is required ; in other States a residence of twelve months is required, and perhaps there may be some other condi- tions of suffrage prescribed. In the State of New York I believe that colored men are al- lowed to vote if they are worth $250 in real estate. "Now, sir, when we come to amend the Constitution of the United States on this sub- ject, would it not be proper to make suffrage uniform ? And it is as easy to amend it in the one way, I believe, as it is in the other. This amendment leaves the whole power in the States just as it exists now, except that colored men shall not be disfranchised for the three reasons of race, color, or previous condition of slavery. They may be disfranchised for want of education or for want of intelligence. The States of Louisiana and Georgia may establish regulations upon the subject of suffrage that will cut out forty-nine out of every fifty col- ored men in those States from voting, and what may be done in one of these States may perhaps be done in others. They may, per- haps, require property or educational tests, and that would cut off the great majority of the colored men from voting in those States, and thus this amendment would be practically de- feated, in all those States where the great body of the colored people live. Sir, if the power should pass into the hands of the rebel popula- tion of those States perhaps I should beg pardon now, I should rather call it the Con- servative or Democratic population if they could not debar the colored people of the right of suffrage in any other way, they would do it by an educational or a property qualifica- tion. " Mr. President, I am not sure, on looking further at this amendment, but that the lan- guage itself can be dodged without establishing cither a property qualification or an educa- tional test. Take the State of Kentucky, Mary- land, or any of these States choosing to do so ; may they not dodge it? It says the right of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged by any State or by the United States ' on account of' ' by reason of ' is the language of the amend- ment of the House ' race, color, or previous condition of servitude.' I should suppose that the words * race or color ' would be sufficient. I am somewhat averse to putting the word * color ' into the Constitution. I am somewhat averse to making any reference to slavery in the Constitution. " Now, Mr. President, why is it necessary to insert these words, ' or previous condition of servitude ' or ' slavery ? ' It says they shall not be debarred of the right of suffrage on ac- count of race or color or previous condition of servitude. It is because some of these States might say, ' We will debar these men from voting, not on account of their race, not on account of their color, but because they have once been slaves.' Suppose that one of these States should say, ' We will debar these men from voting, not by reason of color or race or previous condition of slavery, but be- cause they are deficient in natural intelligence, incapable of improvement, and incompetent to take a part in the administration of the Gov- ernment.' If they put it upon that reason, it might be perhaps a strained construction amendment ; but we ought not now to be pro- viding an amendment that is susceptible of a double construction. They say they do not disfranchise these men on account of their color, race, or having been slaves, but because they are naturally inferior in point of intellect, and unqualified to take part in the administra- tion of the Government. I am not sure but that in that way the whole provision may be dodged. That is just the position taken by the great body of the Southern people. If you will ask them their opinion of the colored race, they will tell you that they are an inferior race, and hardly human beings, and disqualified from taking part in the administration of the Government ; and if they put that in their con- stitutions, and give that as a reason, it becomes a question whether they have not dodged the whole provision. We would deny the truth or soundness of their reason ; but they would insist on it, and claim that it is not provided against in the amendment. "Now, Mr. President, I would prefer an affirmative amendment, an amendment declar- ing who shall have the right to vote, not a ne- gation but an affirmation, and one that defines the right of suffrage, and does not leave it open for the construction of different States ; and I think that, if we are not to have an affirma- tive definition of suffrage, the amendment of- fered by the Senator from Michigan (Mr. How- ard) is perhaps as good a one as has been pre- sented, and certainly better than the one that came here from the House ; and I will ask the Secretary to read it." The Chief Clerk : " The amendment of Mr. Howard proposes to strike out section one of the House article, and insert : Citizens of the United States of African descent shall have the same right to vote and hold "office as other citizens." Mr. Morton : " That pertains simply to citi- zens of African descent. This amendment re- fers also only to citizens of African descent ; but that gives them an affirmative right, says they shall have the same right to vote that other citizens have. It therefore cuts off every possible construction of the amendment as it CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 139 came from the House of Bepresentatives, or the one offered by the committee, by which they could be debarred from the right of suf- frage. It places these men precisely upon the same ground with all others ; but it still leaves the States the power of establishing an educa- tional or property test by which they would cut off the great mass of colored men. I think this is the best of the three, but that it would be still better to adopt an amendment declar- ing who shall have the right to vote, making it uniform throughout the United States, and leaving no question of construction for the States." Mr. Williams, of Oregon, said: "Mr. Presi- dent, I send to the chair an amendment "which I shall propose to the report of the Committee on the Judiciary in due time." The Chief Clerk : " The amendment now submitted proposes to strike out all after the words ' article fifteen ' and insert : Congress shall have power to abolish, or modify any restrictions upon the right to vote or hold office pre- scribed by the constitution or laws of any State.'' Mr. Sumner, of Massachusetts, said : " I am now brought directly to the proposed amend- ment of the Constitution. Of course, the ques- tion stares us in the face, why amend what is already sufficient? "Why erect a supernumera- ry column ? " So far as I know, two reasons are assigned. The first is that the power of Congress is doubt- ful. It is natural that those who do not sym- pathize strongly with the equal rights of all should doubt. Men ordinarily find in the Con- stitution what is in themselves, so that the Constitution in its meaning is little more than a reflection of their own inner nature. As I am unable to find any ground of doubt, in sub- stance or even in shadow, I shrink from a prop- osition which assumes that there is a doubt. To my mind, the power is too clear for question. As well question the obligation of Congress to guarantee a republican form of government; or the abolition of slavery ; or the prohibition upon the States to interfere with the rights and privileges of citizenship, each of which is be- yond question. "Another reason, assigned for a constitu- tional amendment is, its permanent character in comparison with an act of Congress which may be repealed. On this head I have no anx- iety. Let this beneficent prohibition once find a place in our statute-book, and it will be as lasting as the national Constitution itself, to which it will be only a legitimate corollary. In harmony with the Declaration of Indepen- dence and in harmony with the national Con- stitution, it will become of equal significance, and no profane hand will touch its sacred text. It will never be repealed. The elective fran- chise once recognized, can never be denied; once conferred, can never be resumed. The rule of equal rights once applied by Congress under the national Constitution will be a per- manent institution as long as the republic endures ; for it will bo a vital part of that re- publican government to which the nation is pledged. " Dismissing the reasons for the amendment, I turn to those which make us hesitate to pre- sent it for ratification. There are two. The amendment admits that, under the national Constitution, as it is, with its recent additions, a caste and an oligarchy of the skin may be set up by a State without any check from Con- gress; that these ignoble forms of inequality are consistent with republican government; and that the right to vote is not an existing privilege and immunity of citizenship. All this is plainly admitted by the proposed amend- ment, thus despoiling Congress of beneficent powers and emasculating the national Consti- tution itself. It is only with infinite reluctance that I can consent to any such admission, which, in the endeavor to satisfy ungenerous scruples, weakens all those texts, which are so important for human rights. " The hesitation to present the amendment is increased, when we consider the difficulties in the way of its ratification. I am no arith- metician ; but I understand that nobody has yet been able to enumerate the States whose votes can be counted on to assure its ratifica- tion within any reasonable time. Meanwhile, this great question, which cannot brook delay which, for the sake of peace and to complete reconstruction, should be settled at once is handed over to prolonged controversy in the States. I need not depict the evils which must ensue. A State will become for the time a political caldron, into which will be dropped all the poisoned ingredients of prejudice and hate, while a powerful political party, chanting like the witches of Macbeth * Double, double, toil and trouble, Fire, barn ; and caldron, bubble 1 will use this very amendment as the pudding- stick with which to stir the bubbling mass. Such a controversy should be avoided, if possi- ble ; nor should an agitation, so unwelcome and so sterile, be needlessly invited. ' Let us have peace.' " Of course, if there were no other way of accomplishing the great result, the amendment should be presented, even with all its delays, uncertainties, and provocations to local strife. But happily all these are unnecessary. The same thing may be accomplished by act of Con- gress without any delay, without any uncer- tainty, and without any provocation to local strife. The same vote of two-thirds, required for the presentation of the amendment, will pass the act over the veto of the President. Once adopted, it will go into instant operation, without waiting for the uncertain concurrence of State Legislatures, and without provoking local strife so wearisome to the country. The States will not be turned into political caldrons, and the Democratic party will have no pudding- stick with which to stir the bubbling mass. " I do not depart from the proprieties of this 140 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. occasion when I show how completely the course I no\v propose harmonizes with the re- quirements of the political party to which I be- long. Believing most sincerely that the Re- publican party, in its objects, is identical with country and with mankind, so that in sustain- ing it I sustain these comprehensive charities, I cannot willingly see this agency lose the op- portunity of confirming its supremacy. You need votes in Connecticut, do you not? There are three thousand fellow-citizens in that State ready at the call of Congress to take their place at the ballot-box. You need them also in Penn- sylvania, do you not ? There are at least fifteen thousand in that great State waiting for your summons. Wherever you most need them, there they are ; and be assured they will all vote for those who stand by them in the assertion of equal rights. But in standing by them you stand by afi which is most dear in the republic. " Pardon me ; but if you are not moved by considerations of justice under the Constitution, then I appeal to that humbler motive which is found in the desire for success. Do this, and you will assure the triumph of all that you can most desire. Party, country, mankind, will be elevated, while the equal rights of all will be fixed on a foundation not less enduring than the Rock of Ages." Mr. Vickers, of Maryland, said: "Mr. Presi- dent, I will advert to one or two of the posi- tions assumed by the Senator from Massachu- setts (Mr. Sumner) in his speech to-day. I understood him to contend that, from the clause of the Constitution which he read, power was given to Congress to regulate elections in the States. If I am mistaken, he will correct me. I do not so read the Constitution. The second section of the first article provides that: The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States ; and the electors in each State fihall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. " That section recognizes the absolute right of the States to regulate the qualifications of electors for Representatives, because the States have the exclusive right to regulate the quali- fications of electors for members of their Legis- latures, and the same qualifications which the States prescribe for the exercise of the right of suffrage for members of the most numerous branch of the Legislature are to be the quali- fications of electors for Representatives to the Congress of the United States. There is no power given to Congress to regulate those qualifications; but it belongs exclusively to the States." Mr. Sumner : " If my friend will allow me, I desire to ask him a question just there, which I have no doubt he will answer very easily ; but I should like to have his answer, and should value it very mnch indeed. I ask the Senator from Maryland whether in his opinion color can be a qualification of a voter? I should like an answer to that specific ques- tion, can color be a qualification of a voter ? " Mr. Vickers : " Well, sir, if the power is given exclusively to the States, if the States have the absolute and uncontrollable power to regulate the qualification of voters, it is not for me to say whether their regulations shall have reference simply to color, or to a prop- erty qualification which they have in Massa- chusetts, or to intelligence, or to any thing else. The States may prescribe, I suppose, that an individual shall be able to read the Constitution of the country. That, I presume, would be a qualification which the States would have the right to impose. It is impossi- ble for me to limit the extent of the power of the States in regard to this subject, because it is one of their reserved powers, and is unlim- ited. The General Government has no right to regulate this question of suffrage." Mr. Sumner : " Then, to come back to my original question, I understand that the learned Senator does say that color may be a qualifica- tion for a voter. On that point I should like to have his answer distinctly, because it is the pivot or one of the pivots of this question. I understand him to say that color may be. Now, I do not wish to intrude upon his speech, but I should like to ask him whether he sup- poses a State Legislature could select among the qualifications the color of the hair or the color of the eye ? Would the Senator say that that could be a qualification under the Consti- tution of the United States ? I put to him that question ; I should like an answer to that." Mr. Tickers: "Well, sir, that, of course, is an extreme case." Mr. Sumner : " Not at all. It is the very case before the Senate." Mr. Vickers : " It is not for me to say what it would be expedient for a State Legislature to do. It is not always expedient to exercise the full extent of the power which is conferred upon legislative bodies. But I would ask the Senator from Massachusetts if the color of the hair, added to the disqualification of the voter intellectually, is not a power in the Legisla- ture ? I would ask the honorable Senator if public virtue and public intelligence are not the very foundations of our republic ? Why, sir, how can we exist as a republic without intelligence and public virtue ? " Mr. Sumner : " Yes, but the point to which I wish to call the attention of my friend is not whether public intelligence and public virtue are essential to a republic, for there we are agreed ; not whether they may not be recog- nized as qualifications, but the point is whether any inherent quality under Providence planted in the human form by God can be made by any vote of man a qualification for an elector ? That is the practical question which I put to the Senator." Mr. Vickers : " Well, sir, as I stated to-day, there are five races of men. These are the red man, the yellow man, the white man, the CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 141 black man, and the brown man. Now, I ask if it is not competent for a Legislature to dis- franchise or to withhold the elective franchise from any one of these races ? Is not color the distinctive mark of the race? And because here is a distinct race, an inferior race, and because this race has color, the race is dis- qualified. It is not altogether on account of the color of the skin. That is only one of the indications and marks by which you distin- guish the race. Have we not a right to with- hold the elective franchise from the Chinese, who are of a different color from us and from the negro ? Would the Senator say that, be- cause the Chinese have a certain complexion, therefore we have no right to disfranchise them because of that complexion ? If they are a different race, if they are pagans, according to the speech of the Senator from Oregon (Mr. Williams), have we not a right to disqualify them and withhold from them the elective franchise ? " Mr. Sumner : " That is not the question. I do not say that they may not be disqualified for their paganism. That is another question. That is a question of character. A man may cease to be a pagan ; he may change ; he may become a Christian ; but a man cannot cease to be a colored man if he is so made by Provi- dence. The Ethiopian cannot change his skin. The point that I put to the Senator, and on which I want his frank, explicit answer, is, whether the mere color of the skin, or the color of the hair, or the color of the eyes, can be made, under the Constitution, a qualification for a voter ? That is the point." Mr. Vickers: "If the color of the skin, the color of the hair, or the color of the eye, dis- tinguishes one race from another, then I say the color of the skin, of the hair, or of the eye, can make the disqualification, and the Legis- lature has a right to make it. It matters not whether it be of the skin, the hair, or the eye ; if it be the distinguishing mark of that race, and distinguishes it from our race, then we have a right to do it. Why, sir, the Senator from Nevada (Mr. Stewart), in his speech here in 1865, said that this was a white man's Gov- ernment ; that we were of a different race ; and the honorable Senator from Ohio, now occu- py ing the chair, said that two races, being different, could not exist prosperously and happily together, and that it would be better that this black race should be sent to the tropics, where he understood they would thrive and develop all their faculties, and that in the same region a white man would depre- ciate. It matters not whether it be the color of the hair, or of the eye, or of the skin, if that distinguishes one race from another." Mr. Sumner: "I see my honorable friend does not flinch from the conclusion." Mr. Vickers : " But, sir, I was going to say that the qualifications which the Constitution speaks of are the qualifications of voters for Representatives to Congress, for they are to have the same qualifications that voters for members of the Legislature are to possess. Then, to show that this is the true meaning of the Constitution, let me refer to the clause as to presidential electors : The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes, which day shall be the same throughout the United States. " That is all the power which Congress has in reference to the subject. They may deter- mine the time for the choosing of the electors, and the day on which they shall cast their ballots ; and when that is exercised the power of Congress over the subject is exhausted. But in the second section of the second article of the Constitution it is provided that Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Eepre- sentatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress. * " The State Legislature may appoint the elec- tors to vote for President and Yice-President of the United States. They may elect them or may direct them to be elected by the people of the State if they see fit. The whole power is in the Legislature, and it was designed to be placed there. They are the best judges of the mode and manner in which the elections should be held, and they are the best judges of the qualifications of the voters. " Mr. President, I had never heard, until the honorable Senator from Massachusetts asserted it to-day, that when human rights and the Constitution came into conflict, the Constitu- tion was to yield to human rights. That is the broad doctrine which he laid down. Why, sir, if that doctrine is to prevail, how many diiferences of opinion are there in reference to human rights ? We should have no Constitu- tion ; it would be undefined, and there would be nothing tangible in reference to the funda- mental law. But if the doctrine of the Sena- tor from Massachusetts prevails, if human rights are to override the Constitution of the country, then does not the doctrine of human rights asserted by the Senator apply as well to females as to males ? The Senator from Kan- sas would say it did ; and I ask if human rights are not as applicable to woman as to man ? And if the doctrine of human rights is to be the rule by which the Constitution is to be construed, then it must be so construed as to admit female suffrage ; and yet I suppose the Senator from Massachusetts would not support a measure of this kind. It is not unusual for Senators to lay down a general principle and argue upon that principle, and then in the practical application of it to come short of its results. This general doctrine comprehends woman as well as man, and shall our sym- pathies be limited to the latter? Shall our affections go out only for the black race? Shall we not rather include the women and give them the same privileges and rights which 142 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. it is attempted to confer upon the negro ? It has been beautifully said that ' we go to man for philosophy and to woman for consolation ; ' and, although I am no advocate for woman suffrage, I believe that, if the Congress of the United States had been composed exclusively of women, we should have had no civil war. We might have had a war of words, but that would have been all. " The Senator from Massachusetts seems to think that^ if he can accomplish this result and extend the right of suffrage to the negro, we shall have peace. Sir, he may call it peace, but such a peace will be at the price of consti- tutional liberty, at the price of the destruction of the landmarks of your Constitution. What sort of peace is that which is achieved by ag- gression upon and destruction of the very Constitution under which we live ? It is but the beginning of strife. The Senator thinks it would produce peace, but I say it would not produce peace. He assimilates the con- duct of the Democratic party, in case this question is not settled in the way he pro- poses, to the witches in Macbeth. But, is it not known to the Senator that he who sought the bubbling caldron was destroyed? And if this bubbling of the political caldron is to be assimilated to that described in Shake- speare, I should think the honorable Senator would be willing to see it come to pass, be- cause it would be but the forerunner of the destruction of that party which he denomi- nates the advocates of slavery. 44 1 could not but contrast in my own mind the sentiments and constitutional positions as- sumed by the Senator from Massachusetts to- day with the principles and the doctrines of constitutional law which were promulgated by his illustrious predecessor who had secured to himself the appellation of the expounder and defender of the Constitution. There is not a word in any thing he ever wrote, in his ora- tions or in his arguments, which can sustain the views of the honorable Senator from Mas- sachusetts, the latitudinarian views which lie expressed to-day upon the subject of the con- struction of the Constitution of the United States. Nor did I see any thing in the au- thorities which were produced by that Senator from Hamilton and Madison. What he read from these great men related to the enumera- tion of inhabitants of the country in reference to fixing the proportion of Representatives, and had nothing to do with suffrage. " If we introduce these votes which are to be cast, not with an intelligent understanding of the purpose and object for which they are placed in the ballot-box, if we are to receive them from a class of persons who are unedu- cated, illiterate, who cannot read your Con- stitution, who know nothing about its checks and its balances, about its relations to the State governments, it is an injury, a positive in.jury, to those who have the right to vote. Why is it that we punish illegal voting severe- ly ? It is because illegal voting is a fraud upon legal voters ; it impairs and weakens the weight and force of the legal votes which are cast ; and if we introduce these unmeaning votes, which are not cast with an intelligent refer- ence to the purposes and objects for which the right of suffrage is given, shall we not thus weaken and impair the rights which those have who are entitled to vote ? J | Mr. Buckalew, of Pennsylvania, said:- "Mr. President, I have proposed for submission an amendment to this resolution. It is very brief, and relates to the manner of submitting this proposition of amendment to the Legislatures of the States, viz. : That the foregoing amendment shall be submitted for ratification to the Legislatures of the several States, the most numerous branches of which shall be chosen next after the passage of this resolution. " My amendment proposes to submit the con- stitutional amendment covered by this joint resolution for ratification to the Legislatures of the several States, the most numerous branches of which shall be chosen next after the adoption of this resolution by Congress, and to confine its consideration to those Legis- latures of the respective States who shall be so elected immediately or next after we adopt the resolution, and in view of it, and who shall assemble in pursuance of their several local constitutions for a performance of their gen- eral duties, among others this duty of passing upon amendments to the Constitution which Congress may submit to them. " Now, sir, what are the facts in regard to the last amendment which was submitted by Congress to the several States ? Two or more States proceeded by formal act of their Legis- latures to ratify the amendment, and afterward, at succeeding sessions, proceeded to withdraw that ratification, to withdraw the assent which they, in the first instance, had given. In the case of one, and perhaps more I recollect dis- tinctly in the case of one State the constitu- tional amendment was rejected by the Legisla- ture, and at the next session, opinion having changed in that State, the Legislature proceeded to ratify it. You see what confusion may arise in the action of the States upon an amend- ment submitted by Congress, in case we do not decide, when we submit such amendment, what authority shall act upon it. " I am not in favor of submitting this amend- ment, or any other amendment, under ordi- nary circumstances, to conventions in the sev- eral States, not so much for the reasons which were stated by the Senator from Connecticut (Mr. Ferry) as because of the inconvenience and expense which are entailed upon the people of the States by that mode. That is a reason which has always operated upon Congress since the Government was founded, along with other considerations, to prevent the submission of any amendment to conventions of the peo- ple in the several States a form of submission which it is competent for Congress to adopt. CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 143 I take it for granted that the practice of the Government always will be, unless under very extraordinary circumstances, to submit amend- ments to the action of the Legislatures of the several States. " But, sir, it will be wise and becoming also for Congress to adopt some rule with regard to the submitting of amendments to the Legis- latures ; and what better rule can be adopted by it than to submit them to the Legislatures of the several States who shall be chosen next after the amendment is submitted, the legisla- tors who are chosen when the people under- stand that the amendment is to be submitted to them, and who act in selecting those legisla- tors in full view of that consideration ? It is true that in most, if not all of the States, one branch of the Legislature has a more perma- nent tenure of office than the other. " We know it is now disputed whether the fourteenth constitutional amendment, as it is called, has been adopted or not by the Legis- latures of New Jersey, Oregon, and Ohio ; and a similar question arises as to another State which rejected it originally and afterward rat- ified it. There must be some principle of law applicable to this subject of ratification. Is it possible that any gentleman can pretend that ratifications are in order in the States at all times until the subject of constitutional amend- ment is disposed of, and that, on the other hand, rejections are of no account ? Take the case of the Legislature which rejected the amendment. Was its subsequent ratification legal ? Assume that ; and then attempt to as- sume the other doctrine, and see what incon- sistency you have assumed. " If this reasoning be true, in what condition are we ? Why, sir, we are in this condition : that you cannot have a constitutional amend- ment rejected finally at all in the United States ; rejections amount to nothing, because ratifica- tions at some future time, ten, twenty, fifty, or one hundred years hence, may give it validity ; and, on the other hand, you insist that a ratifi- cation, however obtained, under whatever cir- cumstances of misapprehension or of haste or of trick, or of fraud even, can never be with- drawn by a State ; it is to be forever bound by it. ^ You avoid all this field of debate by desig- nating now, when you submit the amendment, the Legislatures who are to pass upon your amendment, who are to ratify or reject it. " This comprises what I desired to say upon this point, with a single exception ; and that is, to express my own opinion upon this question which has been debated. My idea is this : that an amendment proposed to Legislatures or to conventions for ratification, until the time when it has been ratified by three-fourths of the States, is, of necessity, in its very nature, a simple proposition, and nothing more ; that it becomes a contract or compact between the States at the moment when the last Legislature or convention necessary to make up three- fourths of the States has ratified and approved it. Until that time it is upon the same footing as a proposition for a contract or agreement between individuals which has not been ac- cepted by both or by all the parties to be bound by it, which is therefore binding upon none, and assent to which may be withdrawn at pleas- ure by any of the parties who are to be bound by it after it shall have been duly adopted or agreed upon. The States, so long as a consti- tutional amendment is pending before them, unratified by the requisite number of States, are in the same condition in which individuals would be where a proposition of contract or of agreement between them was pending and under consideration. No State, up to that point of time when the amendment becomes binding upon the State, becomes a contract or a compact between it and the other States, can possibly in law or in good faith or in good con- science be bound by it. Its freedom of action and its freedom of will remain to it, and it can exercise that freedom of action and of will by recalling its assent. And who can complain ? "What State is injured ? No one can cry out upon the State that it has violated good faith. After three-fourths of the States have ratified the amendment, it becomes a part of the Con- stitution, and every State is bound by it. Of course, no State can repeal the Constitution of the United States, and its day of choice and of volition has passed, and passed forever." Mr. Howard, of Michigan, said: "Mr. Pres- ident, It will not escape the attention of any man that there is an anomaly in the Con- stitution of the United States. While to all other governments that I know of in the world, properly called governments, pertains the faculty of regulating and prescribing the qualifications of voters, it is a very singular fact that no such faculty belongs to the Gov- ernment of the United States. The first clause of the Constitution, although it does not impart any power to the States in ref- erence to the qualification of electors, recog- nizes the undoubted fact that the States then possessed the right to prescribe qualifications for the electors within their own limits, and authorizes those same electors to be the electors of the Eepresentatives in Congress, and of the electors of President and Vice-President^ so that it has always been out of the power of Congress, under the Constitution, to prescribe who shall and who shall not vote for Repre- sentatives in Congress or for electors of Presi- dent and Vice-President. "In this respect the Government of the United States is subject entirely to the action of the State governments ; and herein consists this strange anomaly. Certainly, ordinarily speaking, the power of regulating suffrage ought to pertain to the Government which is to be affected by it. Our fathers, however, did not see fit to grant to the Federal Govern- ment any such authority ; and I believe the present is the only attempt which has been made, since the foundation of the Government, 144 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. to interfere with this right of the States to pre- scribe the qualifications of voters not only within their own limits, but as to the Federal Government. "Now, sir, on looking over the amendment which has been proposed to us by the Com- mittee on the Judiciary, although I am in favor of conferring the right of suffrage on the col- ored man as such, I do not find the provision expressed so clearly in that amendment as I wish it were. Indeed, sir, the frame of the amendment, its form, its legal intendment, in- terpretation, and effect, are to me all very ob- jectionable. It declares that 'the right of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.' Observe, sir, and I call the attention of ^ Sena- tors to the clause, 'shall not be denied or abridged by the United States.' Sir, the United States have never granted to any citizen of the United States in the States, nor abridged to him, the right to vote. The Government of the United States has not intermeddled, nor has it the right to intermeddle, with the right of voting ; and it is hardly proper language, therefore, to say that this right, with which the -Government of the United States cannot intermeddle, shall not be denied or abridged by the United States. It is hardly intelligible language to me, as a lawyer. "Again, there arises from that peculiar form of expression, * shall not be denied or abridged by the United States,' what, to my mind, is & very plain implication that in respect to other matters except race, color, or previous con- dition of servitude, the United States may, through its proper organs, if the Government shall see fit, abridge, or deny to citizens of the United States in a State, the right to vote or to hold office. For instance, the implication arises that for any other cause, whether it be religious belief, or a want of moral training, or defect of education, or whatever other test Congress may see fit to prescribe, the right to vote may be taken away from the citizen of the United States by act of Congress. Certainly I do not apprehend that the Committee on the Judiciary intended any such thing ; but so plain to me is this implication that under such a clause Con- gress would have the right to deny or abridge the right of voting for some other causes than those mentioned in the article, that I certainly can never give that amendment my vote, for I will never agree, here or elsewhere, that the Congress of the United States or any State government shall have it in its power to say to a citizen of the United States, ' You shall not vote or hold office because your religious creed is not so and so, or because you do not belong to and commune with this, that, or the other religious denomination*' I prefer to adhere to the present provisions of the Con- stitution of the United States in all these re- spects the Constitution which prohibits ut- terly and forever the setting up of any religious test. " I am willing, as I have already remarked, to extend to the colored man, who is a citizen of the United States, the right to vote and to hold office, like any other citizen; but I prefer to do it in direct and plain terms, so that he who runs may read, without circumlocution, without indirection, but plainly, in terms that are intelligible to the lowest capacity. I shall, therefore, at the proper time, propose an amendment to the amendment now before us, which will be in the following words : Citizens of the United States, of African descent, shall have the same right to vote^and hold office in States and Territories, as other citizens, electors of the most numerous branch of their respective Legis- latures. " Thus adopting the constitutional language of electors having the qualifications of electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislatures. It seems to me that this expres- sion meets exactly the case which is before us. "Why not come out plainly, manfully, and frankly to the world and say what we mean, and not endeavor to darken counsel with words without knowledge, by circumlocution, by con- cealing, or endeavoring to conceal, the real thing which we aim at? Give us, then, the colored man, for that and that only is the object that is now before us. The sole object of this whole proceeding is to impart, by a constitutional amendment, to the colored man who has become free in the United States, the ordinary right of citizens of the United States, and that is the whole of it. I do not wish by any form of words to conceal the fact or to blur the fact that I am in favor of extending to this class of men the right to vote and to hold office in the United States. " Sir, it is impossible, in the very nature of things, that so large a portion of citizens of the United States as the black portion now are can for any considerable length of time remain in our midst without enjoying the right of suffrage. That would be a great anomaly in our condi- tion. It would be a state of things entirely inconsistent with the genius and mild, benefi- cent, democratic spirit of our Government. Sir, if they are to remain citizens of the United States, to have the right of eating the bread which they earn, of having a title to the clothes which they earn ; if they are to be per- mitted to purchase houses and lands, to become fathers and mothers, with all the domestic rights which pertain to that condition belong- ing to them, we must sooner or later see to it that they are citizens possessed of the. right to vote and to be represented in the legislative bodies who have control of their persons and their property. Upon the principle of repub- lican government they are entitled thus to be represented ; and it will be impossible for the American people, however strong may be the spirit of caste, however odious the black man may be in the eyes of some of our fellow-citi- CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 145 zens it will be utterly impossible to continue this black race in a state of pupilage, of in- feriority in respect to political rights, for any considerable length of time ; and I think, therefore, for their security, for our own secu- rity, as an act of justice to them and of security and strength to the Union itself, and the glory of the American people, this thing ought to be done, and I am prepared to vote for it." Mr. Norton, of Minnesota, said : " I desire to ask the Senator from Michigan if the intention, the meaning of the Chicago platform was, that suffrage in the loyal States was merely a ques- tion of propriety or of right ; whether it prop- erly as a matter of propriety belonged to them or belonged to them as a matter of right ? " Mr. Howard: "Well, Mr. President, the honorable Senator has got a little ahead of the game, and if he had not been so impatient, and allowed me to proceed with my remarks, I pos- sibly might have given him an answer. I will endeavor to do so now : "While the question of suffrage in the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those States. "Does anybody doubt it? Did anybody ever doubt it ? It properly belonged to those States because the Constitution of the United States, which was in full force as to the loyal States, recognized it as one of the reserved rights of the States at that time. And it not only properly belonged to the people of the loyal States at that time, but constitutionally belonged to them. There is no doubt about that. Why, then, do we hear so much said about the perfidy of the Republican party in now seeking to make an amendment by which suffrage shall be regulated in the various States? The quibble turns upon the little word ' prop- erly,' which was plainly, taken in connection with its context, used in the sense of * consti- tutionally.' That was all." Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, said : " The Sen- ator has just now said that no one ever ques- tioned that that was the proper construction of it, and that of right under the Constitution, as it then was and still is, the right to regulate suffrage exclusively belongs to the States. I think the Senator is mistaken in saying that no one doubted that. I think one of the most distinguished of his party, the Senator from Massachusetts, does hold that Congress, for the Northern as well as the Southern States, can regulate suffrage." Mr. Sumner: "Does the Senator refer to me?" Mr. Hendricks: "I do, sir." Mr. Sumner : " If he will read the bills I have introduced a great many they have al- ways gone to the single point that under the Constitution of the United States no State had a power to deny suffrage on account of color. There is where I stand. I raise no question of the power of the States to regulate suffrage ; I go into the question of the meaning of the Constitution of the United States, and I insist that under that you cannot, without falsifying VOL. ix. 10. A every rule of interpretation which will be found in any book of jurisprudence, without falsifying every sentiment of the heart, say that under the power to regulate you can dis- franchise a race. Every presumption is to be in favor of human rights. Some of the bravest sentiments of English jurisprudence have all gone in that direction, even to the extent of saying that that man is impious and cruel who does not favor human rights. There I stand. In every interpretation of the Constitution, in the construction of every word and phrase in it, I give to it a meaning in favor of human rights; and when I am asked what is meant by the term 'to regulate,' I say to determine the manner of elections, not to disfranchise a race. When I am asked what may be qualifi- cations, I say clearly those things which may be acquired, those things w r hich are attainable to human effort, not those things that by the providence of God are unattainable. Sir, it is an insult to God and to humanity to say that such a thing can be a qualification. There I stand. Therefore, let the Senator understand me. I have been very clear and explicit from the beginning. I never have claimed for Con- 'gress under the existing Constitution the power to regulate. I never have ventured to deny it, because much can be said even in favor of the power to regulate. But I do insist that under the power of making regulations you cannot disfranchise a race, you cannot degrade the country, you cannot degrade the age." Mr. Hendricks: "I do not think I under- stand the Senator from Massachusetts now, though he is the master of language. That I may understand him, I will ask him one further question. Has he not claimed that, where the States have denied the suffrage to the negro people, Congress may interfere and give in those States the suffrage to the colored peo- ple?" Mr. Sumner : " Of course I have." Mr. Hendricks: " Under the existing Consti- tution?" Mr. Sumner : "Of course I have. To me it is as plain as the sun." Mr. Norton : " Mr. President" Mr. Howard continued: "I have thus, Mr. President, as briefly as possible, expressed my objections to the form which this amendment has received at the hands of the Committee on the Judiciary. I think it contains within itself a grant of power to the Congress of the United States to set up other tests for voting and hold- ing office ; any other tests, if you please, but those specifically mentioned in the clause. . I am quite sure that neither the Senate nor the House of Representatives, if they look upon this matter in that light, will ever agree to any such proposition ; and I am entirely certain that the Legislatures of the several States to whom this amendment may be transmitted will entirely dissent from it ; while I have no doubt that, if the proposition is plainly submitted of giving to the citizens of African descent the 146 CONGRESS, -UNITED STATES. right to vote and hold office like other citizens of the United States, the amendment will be carried by a handsome majority." Mr. Hendricks: "Mr. President, I did not expect to add any thing to the remarks I made upon the platform adopted by the ^Republican party last year ; but I feel it proper to call the attention of the Senator from Michigan to a view that I take of that platform. It is very clear that he and the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts do not agree. They did not agree last year, and when they stood side by side upon the platform they could not have agreed. There is in this platform a distinction taken between the Northern and the Southern States. There is in this platform claimed for Congress the right to control suffrage in the Southern States, the right to extend it to the colored people there. That is what is claimed in the first part of the resolution, that Congress has the right to extend suffrage to the colored people in the Southern States. As an opposite idea to that, the last clause of the resolution de- clares that the control of that subject properly belongs to the people of the States in the Northern States." Mr. Howard: " The loyal States." Mr. Hendricks : " That is the same thing, I suppose. By loyal States you mean the States that did not go into the rebellion States that, in the language of the Senator from Michigan, 4 did not forfeit by rebellion their control of the subject.' Then in the Southern States this platform claims a right for Congress to confer suffrage upon the colored people; in the North- ern States it claims for the people of the States the right to control that question * properly,' not constitutionally." Mr. Howard: "Yes, constitutionally." Mr. Hendricks: "No, sir; the language is, it belongs to the Northern States 'properly.' " Mr. Howard : " It belongs to them from an- cient usage by prescription, if you please. It was one of the original State rights. It was not granted to the people of any of the States by the Constitution. The Constitution found it existing and recognized that right as existing in the States." Mr. Hendricks: "Here is the language: While the question of suffrage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those States. " Now, if it properly belongs to the people of the States to regulate suffrage, is it proper for Congress to take it away ? If it belongs to the people of the State of Indiana, how can all the rest of the States united take it away from them ? " Mr. Howard : " If the Senator will excuse me, he asked whether it would be proper for Congress to take it away. Sir, Congress is not going to take it away. Congress cannot take it away. What we are doing does not take away the right of the States in this regard. If that right is taken away, it must be taken away by the American people represented in their various Legislatures, and in the form prescribed by the fundamental law of the republic the Constitution to which every citizen is sub- ject and a party." Mr. Hendricks : " If it properly belongs to a State, can twenty-seven States take it away from that one State ? " Mr. Howard: "Yes." Mr. Hendricks : " Then it does not properly belong to it ; it belongs to twenty-seven States. It cannot properly belong to one State, because of its State sovereignty, and at the same time properly belong to twenty-seven States. The one State is regulated by law, and the twenty- seven States by constitutional amendment." Mr. Howard : " Will the honorable Senator allow me to call his attention to the very lan- guage of the article ? " Mr. Hendricks : " Certainly." Mr. Howard: "'While the question of suf- frage in all the loyal States properly belongs to the people of those States; ' not to each one." Mr. Hendricks : " Well, I will ask, can each one of the loyal States control it by a constitu- tional amendment? " Mr. Howard : " Undoubtedly." Mr. Hendricks ; " Without a constitutional amendment? By a constitutional amendment? Which does the Senator claim ? I ask his at- tention. Does he claim that the Southern States have no control over it any more, but that the loyal States, in the form of a constitu- tional amendment, may take the control of the suffrage away from any one State ? Is that the position of the Senator?" Mr. Howard : " My position I now repeat it is, that while the rebel States were, so to speak, de facto out of the Union, after they had forfeited their political rights tinder the Constitution, they were at the mercy and sub- ject to the action of the Congress of the United States; while they were in that condition they could not, as against the will of Congress, reg- ulate suffrage or do any thing else within the limits of their own States as independent sov- ereign States, as they are called ; but, after they shall be remitted to their original condition as States of the Union in pursuance of the regu- lations and laws of Congress, and become rep- resented in the two Houses of Congress, and thus become reinstated as sister States of the Union, they would, of course, have the same right as the original loyal States, not only in that respect, but in all others." Mr. Hendricks : "Mr. President, in the course of this short debate the Senator from Michigan has put two constructions upon this last clause of his platform. In the first place, he said that it meant that constitutionally it belonged to each State. N"ow I understand him to say that it belongs to all the loyal States in the aggre- gate; that the people of all the loyal States rightfully control it." Mr. Howard: "Three-fourths." Mr. Hendricks : "These two positions he has occupied in the last twenty minutes. When CONGKESS, UNITED STATES. 147 the Senator wishes to get away from the force of the plain language of his party, understood by everybody, and wants now to do that which a year ago was declared to be by the platform improper to do, of course he has to resort to criticism upon his own platform." Mr. Sumner: "May I remind the Senator that a conspicuous leader of the party, who is now dead, made haste, when that improvident resolution was put before the public, to de- nounce it as foolish and utterly untenable? I refer to Thaddeus Stevens. He said that that position taken at Chicago was foolish and un- tenable. He wrote a letter within a week after that was published." Mr. Hendricks: "Was that letter pub- lished?" Mr. Sumner: "It was published and exten- sively circulated. I never had any hesitation in saying the same thing." Mr. Hendricks: "Then I understand that Mr. Stevens, to whom the Senator refers, and the Senator from Massachusetts himself, put this construction upon this clause, that it de- clares the control of suffrage properly as a political question, independently of constitu- tional provisions, to belong to the States ; and if that be the proper construction, then I say to the distinguished Senator from Massachu- setts that his party now proposes to do that which it pledged to the people a year ago that it would not do." Mr. Warner, of Alabama, said: "I should like to ask the Senator from Indiana a ques- tion. What limit is there to the power of the people of this country to change the Constitu- tion or the system of government ? " Mr. Hendricks : " Mr. President, that is a very grave question that is asked. I intended to ask .some Senators that question in a very few minutes. There is a particular provision in the Constitution of the United States that it may be amended. Where, Mr. President, does the power of amendment stop? I say the power of amendment is limited to the correc- tion of defects that might appear in the prac- tical operations of the Government ; but the power of amendment does not carry with it the power to destroy one form of government and establish another. I will ask the distinguished Senator who has just propounded the question to me, whether, under the form and pretext of an amendment, you can change the office of the Chief Executive of this nation, and make him cease to be a President, and make him a king?" Mr. Warner: "I will answer the question. I think it is in the power of the people of this country to establish any system of government they see fit, to abolish the office of President, and abolish Congress, and the Supreme Court, and the whole form of government. I think the whole matter is in the hands of the people, and that they are sovereign." Mr. Hendricks: "Then I understand that answer given by the Senator to be, that, under the constitutional provision for amendment, under the proceeding for amendments, the Congress of the United States by a two-thirds vote of each body, three-fourths of the States ratifying it, may change this Government from a republic and make it a monarchy. " We have now a distinct proposition before us. I am not going to talk in this general way about what the people of the United States may do. They may revolutionize, perhaps ; there may be a revolution, and the present Government may go down under that revolu- tion, and a monarchy may be its result. Per- haps we are in the midst of such a revolution as that now. Perhaps we have gone very rap- idly and far in that direction of revolution; but I am speaking of the power of Congress and of three-fourths of the States to amend the Constitution of the United States ; and now I understand it to be averred as a doctrine of the party that the President may be displaced and a king established in his stead." Mr. Drake, of Missouri, said : "I should like to inquire of the honorable Senator whether he considers that the statement of a position of that kind on the part of one Senator on this floor makes it the doctrine of the party? " Mr. Hendricks : " Mr. President, it is an an- swer to a question that is propounded in the Senate ; and now, if the Senator from Missouri is not satisfied with the answer that has been given by the distinguished Senator, I shall be very much obliged to him if he and I know he is a gentleman who expresses himself exactly will tell the Senate just where the power of amendment stops under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States." Mr. Drake: "I would state that, if the hon- orable Senator from Indiana would be so good as to enlighten my dull comprehension as to the importance of that question in this discus- sion, I will answer him with a great deal of pleasure ; but now for my part I really do not see it. I do not see whether it amounts to one thing or another where the limit of constitu- tional amendment may be. We are discussing a question now of amending the Constitution in a particular which unquestionably is not sub- versive of the Constitution ; not the case that the Senator suggested a while ago." Mr. Warner: "I answered the question of the Senator from Indiana very squarely, and I would ask him to answer my question as frank- ly. Where does the power of the people of this country to amend or to change their Con- stitution and system of government end?" Mr. Hendricks: "Mr. President, I believe that there is a limit to the power of two-thirds of Congress and of three-fourths of the States to amend the Constitution of the United States. I believe that they have a right to amend the Constitution in those respects wherever defects appear in the practical operations of the Gov- ernment, to make it more complete and satis- factory; but they have no power, in my judg- ment, so to amend the Constitution as to change 148 the character and the nature of the Govern- ment. This is, as was well expressed by the Senator from Tennessee this evening, not pure- ly a confederacy, nor is it altogether a popular government. It is a government? of the peo- ple, and at the same time a confederacy. The States, before the formation of the Federal Government, were independent States. They had the right to go into the confederacy, or not to go into it, as they pleased. It was not oblig- atory upon Pennsylvania to become a party to the confederacy ; and, if the other States had agreed to the Constitution, and Pennsylvania had not agreed to it, Pennsylvania would not have been a part of the Government ; and that was provided for in the Constitution .itself, for the very last provision of the Constitution is that The ratification of the conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Con- stitution between the States so ratifying the same. " The States, as States thus coming into the Union, came in upon the basis of the Constitu- tion itself. They surrendered up a portion of their State authority and power, and they re- tained a portion. I say that a government thus formed cannot, by the authority of amend- ment of the Constitution, be so changed as en- tirely to depart from the spirit and the purpose of the confederation." Mr. Howe, of Wisconsin, said : " I under- stood the Senator to say that we could not, by an amendment of the Constitution, change the nature or character of the Government." Mr. Hendricks: "Yes, th nature of the Government itself." Mr. Howe : " I wish to ask the Senator from Indiana what amendment can be made to the Constitution that will not change the nature or character of the Government ? " Mr. Hendricks: "Why, sir, I can conceive of very many amendments. I think, if the Sen- ator will turn to the book, he will find about twelve amendments that did not change the character of the Government. One of these amendments, to which I will refer by way of illustration in answer to the Senator, was that for the election of President and Vice-Presi- dent: the mode of electing the President and Vice-President is different from what it was originally. " Mr. President, my objection, which I now choose to state to the amendment proposed and pending before the Senate, is that it does change the nature of the Government ; it does take away from the States a power which they retained, and which is necessary to that inde- pendence and sovereignty of the States which the original compact contemplated they should enjoy. "Now, Mr. President, in using the term ' sovereignty of the States,' I do not mean that the States have contrgl of every subject. In that sense the States are not sovereign ; in that sense the Federal Government is not sovereign ; but in the language of the courts the States are CONGKESS, UNITED STATES. s6vereign within the sphere of their jurisdic- tion or reserved powers, while the General Government is sovereign within the sphere of its jurisdiction. I think that the right to con- trol the suffrage for the election of State offi- cers is essential to the independence of the States, is essential to the very nature of the Government itself. " In further illustration of the question asked by the Senator from Wisconsin, I may say that the Constitution might be so amended as to regulate the suffrage in the election of Federal officers. I think that, for the purpose of elect- ing members of Congress, by an amendment of the Constitution the qualifications of the voters might be defined, and that would not change the nature of the Government; it would change, to some extent, the mode of selecting Federal officers. But when the Constitution of the United States comes to regulate the mode of selecting State officers, and takes away from the States the control of that question, you materially change the framework of the Government itself. I can conceive of no power so important to a State as to decide who shall be her officers and in what mode these officers shall be selected, whether by all the people or by a portion of the people. It is for her to se- lect her own officers, to define who shall be her officers and how they shall be chosen ; and, if you take that power away from a govern- ment and confer it upon another government, you have materially and very essentially changed the nature of the relations between the two." Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, said : " Will the honorable Senator permit me to read from Mar- shall's opinion in the case of McCulloch vs. State of Maryland ? " Mr. Hendricks: "With great pleasure." Mr. Davis : " ' A power to create implies a power to preserve. A power to destroy, if wielded by a different hand, is hostile to and incompatible with these powers to create and preserve.' * The sovereignty of a State extends to every thing which exists by its own author- ity, or is introduced by its permission.' * That the power to destroy may defeat and render useless the power to create ; that there is plain repugnance in conferring on one government a power to control the constitutions and meas- ures of another.' " Mr. Hendricks : " That is much -more satis- factorily expressed than I was able to express it. When this Government was established, there were certain powers retained by the States, and there were certain defined powers conferred upon the Government of the United States. In the exercise of the powers conferred upon the Government of the United States, that Government is sovereign. In the exercise of the powers retained by the States those gov- ernments are sovereign. Where a State has the power to regulate a subject and the Gen- eral Government has no control over its action in that regulation, the State is completely sov- CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 149 ereign in that regard, because she is entirely master of the subject; and where the govern- ment of the United States regulates a subject without State interference at all, that Govern- ment is entirely sovereign over that subject; as sovereign as any Government can be over any subject whatever. " Now, sir, it is of the very essence of the relations between the States and the General Government that the States shall retain the control of a large class of subjects. All ques- tions of a domestic sort, the regulation of prop- erty, the descent of estates, the courts that regulate sucli questions these are exclusively within the control of the States ; their regula- tion requires that the State shall have a Legis- lature, that it shall make laws ; and, if it make laws as an independent and sovereign State over these subjects, it must have the control and selection of the law -makers. And, if you take away from the State the power to select the law-makers, you take away from the State the control of the subjects that the laws may operate upon. So, when the Constitution of the United States takes away from the State the control over the subject of suffrage, it takes away from the State the control of her own laws upon a subject that the Constitution of the United States intended she should be sov- ereign upon. But I have said more upon this question than I intended to do. " Now, Mr. President, if it were the pleasure of Congress to change tfye Constitution upon a subject so important as this, ought it not to be clear and beyond all doubt that it would result in public good ? I know there are very many distinguished men in the Republican party who have recently expressed the opinion that uni- versal suffrage would be an evil; that these colored people, just come out of a condition of slavery, were not qualified to exercise the suf- frage for the good of the public. " I have not been satisfied, as many gentle- men of the Republican party recently were not satisfied, that it is wise to extend the suf- frage to the colored people. If any State chooses to do it under the existing Constitu- tion, it is her own right to do so. I make no war upon that. That is right, because it is in the sense of the Constitution right, the State having the power to do so. But I am not satisfied, I never have been satisfied, that it is wise to make suffrage universal so as to include that race; and I think upon this subject there are some Senators in this Hall who are going to vote for this amendment who will agree with me. I will come to that directly. " Some Senator this evening said that intel- ligence* and virtue were essential to the safe exercise of the suffrage. I think that race does not now bring to the mass of the intelligence of this country an addition. I do not think it ever will. That race in its whole history has furnished no evidence of its capacity to lift it- self up. It has never laid the foundation for its own civilization. Any elevation that we find in that race is when we find it coming in contact with the white race. The influence of the white race upon the colored man has car- ried him up somewhat in the scale of civiliza- tion, but when dependent upon himself he has never gone upward. I 4 am willing that that shall be tested by the history and experience of two thousand years back. "While the ten- dency of the white race is upward, the ten- dency of the colored race is downward ; and I have always supposed it is because in that race the physical predominates over the moral and intellectual qualities. I may be mistaken in that ; I will not undertake to say that that is certainly so. But I believe that the tendency of that race is downward when not supported by the intelligence of the white race. " There are some Senators here who do not want the Chinese to vote. The Senators from Oregon and California, I think, are all opposed to the Chinese voting ; and I think the Senator from Nevada (Mr. Stewart) is ; and why ? I believe they said they were pagans ; but they are not such pagans as we find in Africa. China is the original home of a civilization that the world honors to this day. Why, sir, in China they had many of the rare and useful inventions long before they were known in Europe. It is said that gunpowder was known in China before it was in Europe." Mr. Edmunds: " And printing." Mr. Hendricks : " Yes ; it is said that print- ing in a rude form was known there ; and the compass was in use there ; 'and one of their great writers is as immortal as the classics of Athens, with a morality that comes nearer the morality of Jesus Christ than that of any an- cient writer. But these Chinese, who are capable of a very high civilization, who have sustained their own civilization, to some extent at least, if they come to our country are not to be voters. They are in the way, I suppose, of the State of Nevada and of party hopes in California ; I do not know why. Are they not prepared to give as intelligent a vote as the negro ? Do they not understand our form of government as well as the negro ? Are they not likely to become as well informed ? " But the Senator from New Jersey (Mr. Frelinghuysen) puts their exclusion upon the ground of their religion, that they are pagans. Is it the business of this Government to pre- scribe what God or in what form men shall worship? He says that we are a Christian people. Not altogether, sir. "We have no such test as that. It is not a test that obtains in any of the States now that a man shall be a Christian in order to be a voter. In the Sen- ator's own State the Jew, a man who is not a Christian, is a voter. The Jew, who does not believe in the Saviour that the Senator and I believe in, is a voter still. You do not exclude him because he is not a Christian ; you do not exclude the infidel, who recognizes no God at all." Mr. Frelinghuysen : " May I ask the Senator 150 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. from Indiana whether he intends to class the intelligent, respectable Israelites of this country who believe in one superintending God, with the pagans and heathens of Asia, for that is the argument?" Mr. Hendricks: "No, sir; I am not mak- ing any such argument as that. That was the Senator's argument, and I was trying to com- bat it. The Senator insisted that a man must be a Christian to be a voter in this country." Mr. Frelinghuysen : " No." Mr. Hendricks : " Because we were a Chris- tian people, he said." Mr. Frelinghuysen: "My insistment was this : not that a man must be a Christian to be a voter, but that it was not our duty to extend the rights of naturalization and citizenship to a pagan and heathenish class." Mr. Hendricks; "The Senator added, 'Be- cause we are a Christian as well as a free people.' I think that was the Senator's ex- pression. So that the argument was that none but Christians ought to vote, and I was carry- ing out the Senator's own argument. Sir, I am in favor of men voting in this country who belong to the white race, and conduct them- selves properly." Mr. Stewart : "I should like to ask the Sen- ator if he is in favor of naturalizing Chinese and pagans who acknowledge no allegiance to the Government of the United States." Mr. Hendricks : " That is a very remarkable question. Of course I am in favor of naturali- izing no such man as that ; and anybody who is naturalized under our law must abjure all allegiance to any other Government, and in the most formal manner possible recognize the authority of our Government. The Senator is not in favor, I believe, of allowing the Chinese to Tote, while he is in favor of allowing the negro to vote ; and I am speaking of the posi- tion occupied by the Senators from the Pacific coast upon this particular question. It does not suit them to have the Chinese vote, for some reason or other. I guess it is not popu- lar out there to have the Chinese vote, and they are opposed to it. I would not wish to force the Chinese vote upon the people of the Pacific coast unless they wanted it themselves ; ::nd if I desired to amend the Constitution so as to force the Chinaman to vote in California, I would say, * Let the people of California have a chance to express their wish on that sub- ject ; ' and, if they voted it down, I would not attempt to force it upon them. They are the best judges of the interests of their society, and that which will contribute to the strength and purity of their State government. And the same is true in Indiana. But Nevada, with her twenty-five thousand people, has just as large a vote upon the adoption of this consti- tutional amendment as Indiana with her fifteen hundred thousand. But Nevada does not want the Chinaman, and she does want the colored man to vote. She has no colored people, but she has Chinamen. That is the style of this controversy. It suits certain purposes that the suffrage should be extended to the negro; it does not suit for other purposes that it should be extended to other races." Mr. Morton, of Indiana, said: "Sir, I wish to call the attention of the Senate for one mo- ment to the character of the whole train of argument that has been offered against this amendment. Take that of the Senator from Kentucky, the Senator from Delaware, and other Senators that I might refer to. I say that the whole train of argument is based upon those broad doctrines and those old theories upon which the right of secession rested. We were not told by the Senator from Kentucky and the Senator from Delaware that they be- lieved in the right of secession, but they advo- cated the same theories, urged the same argu- ments, and cited the same history upon which the right of secession has been based for the last twenty years." Mr. Saulsbury, of Delaware, said : " Will the honorable Senator allow me to ask him a ques- tion ? I ask whether the historical references that I made were not true references; and whether the facts in relation to the formation of the Federal Constitution are not evidenced by the records of the convention which framed it?" Mr. Morton : " Mr. President, I might admit the Senator's references, but I should deny his deductions. The Senator told us to-day frank- ly that we were not pne people. He said in the Senate of the United States, after the cul- mination of a war that cost this nation six hun- dred thousand lives, that we were not a na- tion. He gave us to understand that we were as many separate nationalities as we have States; that one State is different from an- other as one nation in Europe is different from another. He denied expressly that we were a nation. He gave us to understand that he be- longed to the tribe of the Delawares, an inde- pendent and sovereign tribe living on a reser- vation up here near the city of Philadelphia, but he denied his American nationality. The whole argument from first to last has pro- ceeded upon that idea, that this is a mere con- federacy of States ; to use the language of the Senator to-day, a partnership of States. What is the deduction ? If that is true, there was the right of secession ; the South was right, and we were wrong. He did not draw that deduction, but it is one that springs inevitably from his premises. " Sir, the heresy of secession is not dead ; it lives. It lives after this war, although it ought to have been settled by the war. It exists even as snow sometimes exists in the lap of summer, when- it is concealed behind the cliffs and the hedges and in the clefts of the rocks. It has come forth during this debate. We have heard the very premises, the very arguments, the very historical references upon which the right of secession was urged for thirty years. The whole fallacy lies in denying our nationality. CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 151 I assert that we are one people and not thirty- seven different peoples ; that we are one nation, and as such we have provided for ourselves a national Constitution, and that Constitution has provided the way by which it may he amended. " Now, sir, what shall he the extent of that amendment ? Does the Constitution say how far or to what extent you shall amend it? Not a word of it ; hut it provides .for its amend- ment, and that amendment may be as radical and as far-going as any part of the original in- strument. Can that be denied? The States gave up, it is said, the right to coin money, the right to make war, the right to regulate commerce ; and if they gave up those powers, they have a right to give up, according to the mode prescribed by the Constitution, the power to regulate suffrage. "It may be said that, under this form of amendment, we would not have the right to change the character of our Government from a republic to a monarchy. That is an extreme case. But, sir, we are not changing the char- acter of our republican government. It is still the same in form, though modified, when we say that the States shall be limited in their power to regulate the suffrage. " One word, sir, in regard to what has been said about the sentiment of Republicans in ref- erence to admitting colored men to the elective franchise. There were doubts in the minds of many of us about admitting six hundred thou- sand men, fresh from slavery, to the exercise of suffrage. There were many of us who doubted the effect of that, and would have avoided it if it could have been done, and given these men a short time to prepare them- selves for the exercise of that right. But, as circumstances progressed, as history moved on, we could not give them that time ; we were compelled to try the experiment immediately ; and thus far it has worked well. But, sir, the great body of the men upon whom the right of suffrage is to be conferred by this amend- ment are men who have long been free, who live in the Northern States not men just emerged from slavery, but a comparatively educated class living throughout the entire North. The argument that might be made against enfranchising men just emerging from slavery cannot be made against the colored men of Indiana, of New York, and of the en- tire North." Mr. Doolittle, of Wisconsin, said : " Mr. President, the Senator from Indiana seems to think that no statesman can bear in mind two ideas at the same time ; that there can be no such thing as State rights maintained by any- body under the Constitution unless that per- son is a secessionist ; and that, on the other hand, no man can maintain that there is any such thing as rights in the Federal Government under the Constitution without being in favor of an absolute concentrated Government at Washington. Sir, these two ideas must go together in our system of government, and the time is coming when they must be discussed, when the rights of the States under the Con- stitution must be acknowledged. It is just as much a war on the Constitution to deny the States the rights which belong to them as it is a war on the Constitution to maintain the doctrine of secession." Mr. Morton: "I have never denied the doc- trine of State rights never." Mr. Doolittle : " The honorable Senator then admits that the States have rights under the Constitution ? " Mr. Morton : " I have always denied State sovereignty ; and I do now. I deny the doc- trine that the States are separate and indepen- dent nations. We are one people. But, sir, the States have certain rights, rights that are guaranteed to them by the Constitution of the United States, just as we have rights secured to us both by the Federal and State constitu- tions. We have State rights, but have no State sovereignty, and never had." Mr. Doolittle: "Mr. President, the honor- able Senator says there is no State sovereignty. I contend that by every decision of the Su- preme Court of the United States, by every declaration made by every 'writer upon our system of government in the beginning, whether a Federalist or a Republican, it was always maintained that the States had an at- tribute of sovereignty, not absolute, but under the Constitution, because under the Constitu- tion they have parted with their absolute sov- ereignty ; nor has the United States Govern- ment any sovereignty under the Constitution which is absolute. All the power which the United States Government has under the Con- stitution is limited. Sovereignty is limited by the Constitution. State sovereignty is limited by the Constitution; the United States sov- ereignty is limited by the Constitution ; and the great difficulty of our times is that men cannot think or will not think that the two sovereignties exist at the same time under our Government, the one limited by the other. " Why, Mr. President, from earliest child- hood every man in this body has been taught that we live in the solar system where the planets that revolve around the sun are con- trolled by two forces; one a force tending toward the centre by the force of gravitation, the centripetal force ; and the other is the centrifugal force, by which they are driven in their orbits around the centre. Mr. President, if either one of these forces were taken away, it would absolutely destroy the system. In our solar system, if the centrifugal force were taken away, and nothing but the centripetal force left to act, every planet would be drawn to the centre of the sun. On the other hand, if the centripetal force were destroyed in our solar system, and no force permitted to oper- ate but the centrifugal force, all the planets would be driven in a tangent away from our system into illimitable space. Sir, it is the 152 operation of these two forces, the one which tends to the centre, the other which tends to the circumference, which keeps these planets moving in their orbits, which maintains our system, which keeps it from destruction ; and the destruction of either of these forces is the destruction of the solar system. " Now, sir, come to our system of govern- ment : these two forces are planted in it of ne- cessity. These two ideas have been here from. the beginning. There have been men who represented the one and represented the other from the beginning. There have been men who have contended always for the absolute sovereignty of this central Government, and other men who have contended always for the absolute sovereignty of the States; and both of them have contended fpr a falsehood from the beginning. There is no absolute sover- eignty in this Government, nor is there any absolute sovereignty in the States ; but, under the operation of our system devised by our fathers, wise as if it had been inspired from on high, and as if they had wisdom almost like Him who created the solar system under which we live, these two grand ideas, two great forces in government, were put in operation at . one and the same time, each limiting the other, each operating upon the other, both working together, and working out that harmonious system in which alone we live and move and have our being ; and that man or statesman, call himself what he may, whether a fire-eating secessionist of the South who comes into this body or elsewhere and maintains the absolute sovereignty of the State, with its right to withdraw from the Union, to retire from the system, to overturn the Government ; or that other statesman, Republican though he may call himself, who comes into this body or else- where* and maintains that this Government only has absolute sovereignty, and that it has the power to seize to itself all the powers of the Government whichever one of these men undertakes to do this, is making war on the Government and war on the system under which we live. "Mr. President, it is in these two ideas, limited by each other, controlled by each other, that we alone can maintain our sys- tem of government. We must maintain the rights of the States under the ' Constitution. We must love to maintain the rights of the States. We must maintain the rights of the Federal Government. And, while we put down rebellion, put down secession when it undertakes, under the doctrine of State rights run mad, to destroy the Government, to break up the system, if the time ever comes that in this body, from any quarter, East or West, or North or South, any party stands for- ward to determine that this is the Government and here is all power, and that in Congress are to be vested all the powers of government, that party will be equally at war with the system. Both must be resisted ; the doctrine CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. must be overcome; and I tell the Senator from Indiana that the .doctrine of unqualified centralization of power in this Government is just as dangerous as the doctrine of secession. Both of them are at war with the Constitu- tion. "Mr. President, I should not have been drawn into any remarks on this occasion, had it not been for the speech of the honorable Senator from Indiana (Mr. Morton), and par- 'ticularly that portion of his speech where he seems to claim that every man who maintains that the States have rights under the Consti- tution, and ought to have rights under the Constitution, is only repeating the arguments of secessionists. Sir, what I claim is the rights of the States under the Constitution, not out- side of the Constitution. I claim their rights under the Constitution which it guarantees to those States, not a right to secede, not a right to nullify, not a right to break up the Govern- ment, but a right to live in the Government and enjoy under the Constitution' the rights which its secures. "Mr. President, I maintain that it is just as necessary for us to insist upon the rights of the States as upon the rights of the Federal Government. The time is coming, in my judg- ment, when the people of the States will be aroused to this question. The danger is that, while we have been exerting all the powers of this Government, great and gigantic as they are, to put down the secession of States, not in the exercise of rights, but in the exercise of wrongs attempting to exercise powers which they have not, and cannot have, under the Constitution our people are becoming ac- customed to look upon the exercise of these great powers by this Government with indif- ference." Mr. Drake, of Missouri, said: "Now, sir, the honorable Senator from Indiana (Mr. Hen- dricks) seemed to be concerned this evening as to the limit of the pOAver of amendment of the Constitution, without drawing a distinc- tion between that which is an amendment of the Constitution and that which is a revolu- tion to overthrow it. I have simply to say that, so far as amendment is concerned, there is no limit. You .cannot find a word in the Constitution which makes a limit upon the right of the people to amend it, except in that article which declared that 'no amendment which may be made prior to 1808 shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses of the ninth section of the first article.' " Mr. Edmunds : " And the equal representa- tion of States in the Senate." Mr. Drake : " No, sir ; excuse me. The lan- lage does not apply there at all, as I have iad occasion to show here before. But there was the only limitation on the power of amendment contained in the Constitution, and it was a limitation in favor of the importation of slaves from the coast of Africa to this con- tinent." gm hac CONGKESS, UNITED STATES. 153 Mr. Buckalew : " May I ask the Senator whether by an amendment submitted by Con- gress you could take away the senatorial rep- resentation of any State ? " Mr. Drake : " Not without its consent. The Constitution expressly forbids it. It does not say that you shall not take it away by an amendment, but simply sets out the broad, distinct proposition that ' no State shall with- out its consent be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.' Now, sir, the only shackle that the people of the United States put upon the power of amendment was that which was to go to perpetuate slavery in this country and to keep up the African slave-trade; and so now, after the lapse of eighty years, comes up the response from the same spirit, that there is no power in the Constitution to make an amendment which shall give the right of suf- frage to that long-enslaved race. The spirit in the two cases is the same, that which would have consigned them to eternal slavery and that which would now prevent their being lifted into the condition of enfranchised citizens. " Mr. President, gentlemen here talk about the rights of the States. What right has any State in this Union but that which it gets from the Constitution ? Go over it, examine it from the beginning to the end, examine it in the light of history, examine it with the severest logic. I say to these gentlemen who talk so about the rights of States, that there is not a State in this Union that has one single right but that which it derives from the Constitu- tion. Every single right that the States may have had before, they threw into the great mass which went to make up the powers of this Union, and just so much as the nation saw fit to give them they have, and not an atom more. And when you talk about the rights of States, it matters not what the extent of them is, how great or how little, certain it is that in that instrument they all lie and are all there granted or conceded; and there is not one right, except that of equal senatorial representation, which cannot be taken away from any State by a constitutional amendment passed by two-thirds of Congress and ratified by three-fourths of the States. "But, Mr. President, I do not propose to continue this discussion. The few minutes that I have now occupied are sufficient to ex- press what I desired to express, except one other thing drawn out by the remarks of the honorable Senator from Wisconsin ; and that is upon the assumed right of the Supreme Court of the United States to declare an act of Congress unconstitutional and void. I take leave to say to that gentleman that whenever the proper time comes I shall take the position here, and maintain it, too, that there does not abide in that court one particle of right to make any such declaration with regard to any act of Congress." Mr. Edmunds: "Not even involving civil rights?" Mr. Drake : " Not involving any right. The people of the United States did not establish a Government of three departments which were to cross each other's track in that way and destroy each other. The law of parallelism was laid down to all three, of them. They were to run in parallel lines, never to cross each other ; but I am not going into that dis- cussion now. I wish to meet right here at the threshold the first declaration that I have heard yet made by a Senator on this floor rec- ognizing the right of the Supreme Court to declare any act of Congress unconstitutional, with a complete denial of that right, and with a challenge to any man to find that right granted in the Constitution to that tribunal." Mr. Hendricks : " Suppose that between two citizens there is a controversy in regard to property ; the claim of the one citizen is based upon a provision of the Constitution of the United States, and the claim of another citizen is based upon a law of Congress. The two are inconsistent. If the law be sustained, the one man gains his case ; if the Constitution, on the other hand, be sustained, the other man carries the case, and that cause comes to the Supreme Court of the United States. Which shall gov- ern, the provision of the Constitution or the law ? Which party ought to gain the case? " Mr. Drake : "In the first place, in answer to the honorable Senator, I will say that he supposes an impossible case. The honorable Senator cannot find in the Statutes-at-Large of the United States one single act of this Con- gress which in its plain and palpable terms enacted a thing which was in violation of the Constitution." Mr. Hendricks : " That is not the question." Mr. Drake : " Yes, it is, sir ; because, unless you do find that in a law which is in plain and palpable violation of the Constitution, the matter of whether it is a violation of the Constitution is a matter of construction and deduction, and the moment you come to the question of con- struction and deduction, then I say that a judg- ment has been entered in the Halls of the Con- gress of the nation higher than any judgment which -any court of the United States or of any State can render." Mr. Doolittle : " Do I understand the honor- able Senator to say that the opinion of Con- gress is supreme on all these constitutional questions ? " Mr. Drake : " I mean to say, and in due time whenever the opportunity offers I will say it at length and make it good, that there never is passed an act by the two Houses of the Con- gress of the United States and it is a position I took here in the first prepared speech I de- livered in this Chamber, in December, 1867 that there never is an act passed by the two Houses of Congress that they do not by the act of passing it enter in the records and archives of the nation a solemn judgment that that act is in accordance with the' Constitution of the United States." CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 154 . ,.,, Q j g . t t o..l j* * ,>~* JT, Tw^nt. -nrftbnblv submit to have their powers and of fact?" Mr. Drake : " Suppose it is not in point of fact, who is to decide it? Not the courts." Mr. Edmunds: " Who, then?" Mr. Drake : " The people, sir, are to decide it." Mr. Edmunds : " Revolution ? " Mr. Drake : " No, sir. The judicial power does not contain political power, and no power exists to unmake a law by declaring it invalid but the power that made it. These points 1 touch upon merely." Mr. Doolittle : " I understand the honorable Senator from Missouri simply to say that Con- gress can do no wrong." Mr. Drake: "No, sir. The Senator from Missouri does not say any such thing. But the Senator from Missouri does say that a body containing some three hundred men, many of them the picked men of the nation, illustrious many of them, far better lawyers, many of them, than are on the bench of your Supreme Court, are quite as competent to judge in a matter of construction and deduction of con- stitutionality as four or five gentlemen sitting in another room in this Capitol who were never set to be guardians over the judgment of Con- gress." Mr. Edmunds, of Vermont, -said : " I wish to put an inquiry to my friend, with a view to get his idea in all sincerity. Suppose Congress should pass a law which should declare that the Supreme Court of the United States and the circuit and district courts of the United States should have no jurisdiction of contro- versies arising between citizens of different States, and, in spite of that law, a citizen of the State of Missouri should sue a citizen of the State of Vermont in the circuit court of the United States for the district of Vermont, would my friend maintain that it would be and if it is the degre e of its necessity, as has been the duty of the judge presiding in that circuit V ery justly observed, is to be discussed in another to dismiss that suit in spite of the Constitu- place. * * * Should Congress, in the execution tion ? " of its powers, adopt measures which are prohibited Mr Drakp- "That iq thp samp dp^rmtion "by the Constitution, or should Congress, under the Mr. IM-ane . inat is tne same description retext O f executing its powers, passlaws for the ac- of question put to me by the Senator from complishment of objects fnot intrusted to the Govern- Indiana." ment, it would become the painful duty of this tri- Mr. Edmunds : " Very good. Answer mine." Mr. Drake : " It is supposing an impossi- bility. I will not answer a question of that kind, Mr. President, for the simple reason that it supposes that which is impossible." Mr. Whyte, of Maryland, said : " Congress passed an act known as the legal-tender act some years ago, the constitutionality of which is now pending before the Supremo Court of the United States. May I ask the Senator whether the decision of the Supreme Court in that case ought to be respected, if it should de- cide that law to be unconstitutional ? " Mr. Drake : " I answer, without hesitation, not at all, sir. I stand to my position, and the Suppose it is not in point probably submit to have their powers and energies crippled by the decisions of that court or some other United States court." Mr. Whyte: "I ask my friend from Mis- souri how he will explain that section of the Constitution, section two, article three, which says: The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made or which shall be made under their authority." Mr. Drake : " I have no explanation to give about it now, except simply to deny that the judicial power of that court contains and in- cludes political power. I deny that the right to invalidate a law, to cripple it, to sweep it off the statute-book, is or can be under any cir- cumstances a judicial power. It is a political power. At some future time, if opportunity offer, I will, as I said before, present my views at length on this whole subject." Mr. Davis, of Kentucky, said : " The honor- able Senator having referred to me, will he allow me to read a psssage from the opinion of Chief- Justice Marshall in the case of McCul- loch w. State of Maryland ? " Mr. Drake : " Sir, I am quite familiar with that, I think." Mr. Davis : "I should like to put it in the Senator's speech. Mr. President, let me read the passage. I can show the honorable Sena- tor to-morrow four acts of Congress that have been declared by the Supreme Court to be un- constitutional in their judgment. I will read the passage to which I referred my honorable friend in this opinion of Chief-Justice Marshall in the case of McCulloch vs. Maryland : But, were its necessity less apparent, none can deny its being an appropriate measure, " That is, the Bank of the United States- menu, ill wimiu. uecuuie mo paimui U.UUJT \j mio vn- bunal, should a case requiring such a decision come before it, to say that such an act was not the law of the land." Senate of the United States and the House of Representatives of tne United States have both got to come to it some time or other, or else Mr. Drake : " Yes, Mr. President, whenever that court does assume to itself the power to declare any act of Congress unconstitutional and void, then begins the struggle for suprem- acy in this country." Mr. Edmunds: "They have done so forty years ago." Mr. Drake : " They have not done it forty years ago. They have not interfered with the administration of this Government. When- ever they do, then the question will come up whether the two Houses of Congress, in the exercise of their high constitutional functions as the embodiment of the sovereignty of this great nation coming direct from the people, CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 155 are to lie at the mercy from day to day of a tribunal created by themselves." The President pro temper e : " The question is on the amendment offered by the Senator from Oregon to the amendment of the com- mittee. The amendment proposes to strike out all of section one of the amendment re- ported by the Committee on the Judiciary, and to insert in lieu thereof the following : Congress shall have power to abolish or modify any restrictions upon the right to vote or hold office pre- scribed by the constitution or laws of any State." Mr. Davis : " Mr. President, my honorable friend from Indiana (Mr. Morton) referred to myself, in connection with other Senators, as having given some support to the doctrine of nullification. I choose, at this late hour of the evening, to disclaim that that is my position. My position is simply this : according to prop- er language, there is no sovereignty in the United States or in any of the States ; the sov- ereignty rests with the people. The people divided their sovereignty, and they delegated it to two governments ; that is, to two classes of governments. They delegated a portion of it to the Government of the United States by the Constitution. The rest of the sovereignty of the people of the United States is in the peo- ple respectively of the States. My position is, that as to the sovereignty and powers delegated by the Constitution of the United States to the Government of the United States, the Govern- ment of the United States and the United States are a nationality. "Within the scope and opera- tion of all the sovereignty and of all the power delegated by the Constitution to the United States, the United States exercises the full and entire sovereignty delegated to it by the people in the Constitution. " My other position in relation to that sub- ject is, that as to the sovereignty not delegated by the Constitution to the people, but reserved to the States, the States are sovereign ; and the States are as much sovereign, within the scope of their reserved sovereignty and powers, as the Government of the United States ; and the United States are sovereign within the sphere of the powers delegated to the United States and to the Government of the United States by the Constitution. I hope that my position is understood. That distinction has been taken repeatedly and sustained by the judgments of' the Supreme Court. There is not a commenta- tor upon the Constitution of the United States, from the Federalist and Hamilton and Madison down, that does not recognize the same parti- tion of sovereignty and the same exclusive and paramount authority of the States as to all the sovereignty and power reserved by them, and so of the United States in relation to all the sovereignty and powers delegated to the United States by the Constitution." Mr. Howard, of Michigan, said: "If the honorable Senator from Kentucky will allow me to say a word, I am not entirely certain that I fully comprehend his idea of sovereignty. He speaks of sovereignty as resting in the peo- ple. Let me inquire of the honorable Senator what people he refers to the whole people of the United States, constituting in and of them- selves an imperial popular community ? Are those the people in whom the ultimate supreme sovereignty rests, or is it in the people of the several States ? " Mr. Davis : u My position is, that, as to pow- ers delegated to the United States and the Gov- ernment of the United States by the Con- stitution, that portion of the sovereignty be- longs to all the people of the United States ; that it is a delegated sovereignty from all the people of the United States to that extent. So far as the sovereignty and powers of govern- ment are not delegated by the Constitution to the United States and the Government formed by the Constitution, that sovereignty belongs as exclusively to the people of the States as it did before the formation of the Constitution." Mr. Howard : " Then I will inquire whence the honorable Senator derives that doctrine? Is it from the history of the American nation, or is it from the Kentucky resolutions of 1798?" Mr. Davis : "I derive it from the Constitu- tion ; I derive it from the treatises upon the Constitution by the men who made it ; I de- rive it from Hamilton and Madison, from Kent and Story and Marshall, and every other great light and luminary of the Constitution. I will read a paragraph from Madison's letters on this subject : It has been too much the case, in expounding the Constitution of the United States, that its meaning has been sought not in its peculiar and unprece- dented modification of power, but by viewing it, some through the medium of a simple government, others through that of a mere league of governments. It is neither the one nor the other, but essentially different from both. It must consequently be its own inter- preter. No other government can furnish a key to its true character. Other governments present an individual and indivisible sovereignty. The Consti- tution of the United States divides the sovereignty ; the portions surrendered' by the States^ composing the Federal sovereignty over specific subjects ; the por- tions retained forming the sovereignty of each over the residuary subjects within its sphere. " In the case of McCulloch vs. The State of Maryland, Chief-Justice Marshall decides that all powers of government appertain to sover- eignty. He decides explicitly that the charter of a Bank of the United States is an exercise of sovereignty, and he says in the most explicit language that all exercise of political power is an exercise of political sovereignty. Now, my position is simply this : that the portion of it yielded up by the people of all the States, as enumerated in the Constitution, is an emana- tion from the people of all the States, acting by States, to the United States and to the Gen- eral Government; that, so far as sovereignty is not delegated by that instrument to the United States and to the Government formed by the Constitution, that sovereignty is retained by the States; and it is as distinctively, as 156 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. peculiar!}*, and as exclusively their right now as it was before the formation of the Constitu- tion, and the Supreme Court have so decided in repeated cases. " Now, Mr. President, while I am up I will add another word or two. I have taken the position in my argument that Congress has no power to propose an amendment to the Con- stitution that would revolutionize the essential nature and character of the Government formed by the Constitution. My further position is, that the proposed amendment does revolution- ize the distinctive and peculiar character of the Government ; that the Government of the United States is not a single Government ; that it is a mixed Government of the United States and the people of the States. The honorable Senator from Michigan, I presume, compre- hends me, if I haye made myself distinct. " I then say that, as a part and parcel of our system of government, the government of the States is as essential as the Government of the United States; that it can no more be dis- pensed with without a revolution and an over- throw of our mixed system of State and Fed- eral Government than could the Government formed by the Constitution of the United States be overthrown without a revolution. I say here, and I maintain as a principle asserted by all the men who assisted in forming the Constitution and who have given any exposi- tion on it, and by every able and accepted commentator on the Constitution, that the gov- ernment of the States is as much a part of our complex and mixed system of government as the Government of the United States ; and in conformity to that principle I assert, as a true proposition, that it would no more change or revolutionize our system of government to destroy the Government of the United States than it would to destroy the governments of the States. "Now, Mr. President, I advance another step in my argument. I say that a proposition made in Congress to amend the Constitution of the United States by abolishing the United States Government would not come within the scope of the power of Congress to propose amendments to that instrument. I say it would he revolutionary and destructive of our system ; and that a power to propose amendments to our system does not involve and cannot carry a proposition to destroy the system. I there- fore say that if this proposition was to pro- pose an amendment to the Constitution of the United States by which the Government cre- ated by that Constitution should be abolished, such a proposition as that would wholly trans- cend the power of Congress to propose amend- ments to the Constitution. I assert as the parallel of that position, that the governments of the States being as necessary, as consti- tutional, and as proper a portion of our sys- tem as the Government of the United States, a proposition to abolish, to destroy, to abro- gate the governments of the States it is not competent for Congress to make under the guise of executing the power to propose amendments to the Constitution. That is my position. I say that if the proposition was to create a presidency for life, with succession to his son, Congress has no power, under the article that is professed to be pursued now, to make such a proposition." Mr. Howard: "If the Senator will allow me, would it be revolutionary and destructive of the Constitution to extend the presidential term from four years to six, as the Confederate government did, or to ten, fifteen, or twenty years, in case the people should see fit to do so?" Mr. Davis : "I say the proposition to amend the Constitution by extending the presidential term would not be a revolution ; it would not alter the essential nature of our Government ; but I will tell the Senator what proposition would be of that character. If he was to pro- pose now, as an amendment to the existing proposition, that Senators should hold their offices during their lives, and upon the death of each Senator his place should descend to his eldest son, such a proposition as that would be revolutionary, and it is not competent for Con- gress under its power to propose amendments to offer any such proposition as that. " It would be no less revolutionary to abolish the State governments than to take either of the steps that I have indicated. It would be a subversion, a revolution, an overthrow of the essential nature and character of our mixed Government, for Congress to destroy the State governments. Congress, therefore, has no power to make such a proposition in the form of an amendment. I object to this so-called amendment, that it does substantially compre- hend such a proposition as that. It is substan- tially a proposition to abolish the State gov- ernments. It carries a principle with it which Congress may at any time carry to that extent. If Congress has the power to regulate the whole subject of suffrage, and to regulate the matter of who shall be eligible to office, that is the substance of the aggregation of the State governments when applied to them ; and Con- gress might as well, and with more propriety it would be a great deal a less stride of power proceed at once to abolish, absolutely and without qualification, the State governments. I say that Congress has no such power. " Chief-Justice Marshall, in the opinion in the case of McCulloch vs. The State of Maryland, lays it down that what the people of a State have the power to organize and to institute they have the power to maintain. I- ask the honorable Senator from Michigan what people have a right to form a State government for that State? What power is there upon this earth that has the rightful authority to form, to change, to abolish, and to introduce another government instead of the present existing government of the State of Michigan? No other power but the people of that State ; and CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 157 Chief-Justice Marshall, in the case that I have referred to, states several times the proposi- tion that a power to organize, to create, on the part of a State, imparts and carries with it a power to preserve it's own organization. Then every State having the exclusive power to or- ganize its own State government, according to the positions taken by Chief-Justice Marshall in that case, each State government has the power to preserve the State government which it has the right to make. I say that for Con- gress to interfere with the power of the States to make their governments is as much usurpa- tion of power as it would he for a State to at- tempt to overthrow the Government of the United States." The amendment to the amendment was re- jected; there being, on a division yeas 6, nays 38. Mr. Drake : " I move an amendment to the amendment, to strike out all of section one of the proposed article and insert : No citizen of the United States shall, on account of his race, color, or previous condition of servitude, be by the United States or any State denied the right to vote or to hold office." Mr. Howard, of Michigan, said : " Mr. Presi- dent, I think the proposition of the Senator from Missouri is open to the same objection which lies against the amendment of the Com- mittee on the Judiciary. If I understand it rightly, there arises from it the same implica- tion which is derived from the language of the committee, namely, that although the United States, that is, Congress, may not deny or abridge the right to vote and hold office on account of race, or color, or previous condition of slavery, Congress may establish some other test upon the ground that it is fairly implied. Now, sir, I cannot vote myself for any such thing." Mr. Drake : " I would inquire of the honor- able Senator from Michigan if he conceives it to be within the range of possibility in consti- tutional construction that the express denial to the United States or to any State of the right to do one particular named thing could by im- plication be held to be an affirmation of its right to do another thing ? " Mr. Howard : " The question is entirely too general in its terms, and does not admit of any definite and exact answer. The clause sub- mitted by the Committee on the Judiciary is this: The rights of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. "As I understand it, the proposition of the Senator from Missouri is tantamount to this. Now, it appears to me very evident that if this clause shall be adopted, there is granted to the United States, by a plain, manifest indication, the power to deny or abridge these rights for some other and any other cause. I cannot give it any other interpretation. I am not perfectly sure, however, that the proposition of the Sen- ator from Missouri is liable to the same objec- tion, because this is the first time I have heard it." Mr. Drake : " The right to vote is an indi- vidual right ; it does not belong to masses of people, but it belongs to each individual. When you frame a constitutional provision which is to bear upon the right of the indi- vidual and not upon the right of communities, then I take it that almost every gentleman in the Senate will at once recognize the propriety of making the provision apply to the individual directly, and not to masses. Every man who goes to the polls goes upon his own individual right to vote, and his right to vote cannot be affected one way or the other by the right of any mass of people of whom he may be one. Therefore it is that I object so strongly to the language of the House resolution, the putting of these words at the end of the amendment, 'or class of citizens of the United States,' as if my right to vote could by any possibility be affected by the right of any other class of citi- zens of the United States. It is a great deal better to make it as strictly personal and indi- vidual in its bearings as it can be made." Mr. Edmunds, of Vermont, said : " If I could persuade myself that the amendment reported by the committee does imply, as the Senator from Missouri supposes, that there exists now any citizen of the United States which is a subject to which the sentence relates without the right to exercise political privileges, then most certainly I should think that it was a great deal better than any amendment which did not imply such an existing right, because I am one of those, and I may as well say it now as ever, who believe that the fourteenth amendment which we have already adopted has under- taken to secure to citizens of the United States all the privileges and immunities that belong to citizens as such, including, of course, and comprehending all belonging to the class. There is no qualification or limitation, but words the most comprehensive possible in a statute or in a constitution are used. I believe that every citizen of the United States, in re- spect to whom political rights can be asserted at all, is entitled now to exercise political privi- leges ; and therefore, if there is any man in the United States who was before that amend- ment entitled to exercise political privileges, that amendment extended to all the citizens similarly situated, without arbitrary and mere fanciful distinctions, such as color, nativity, education, or of religion, an equal right ; be- cause if there is any vitality at all in that arti- cle, which was so much studied here, and which at last has commanded the assent of three-fourths of the States, it is that it gave the great and comprehensive word ' privileges ' to all citizens alike, and that it made secure to them privileges that belonged to the highest class of community. "What I am calling the attention of the 158 Senate to is the argument, if I may so speak, of a judge or a lawyer of a construction. Now, if, having last year passed one statute, this year you pass another on the same subject, do you not by a certain implication, at least in the moral sense, raise and put forth the idea that the old statute did not answer the purpose that you are no w seeking for ? What my friend has said in relation to the inherent and inalienable rights of human nature are not to be preju- diced by any thing in the Constitution. My point is that, by putting something in the Con- stitution, which we now propose to do, we shall have raised the intellectual question, not the human one, whether we are not concluded by now attempting to make this amendment, that the amendment we made before did not reach the same end. I do not say that that is a sound argument. "We may go on making amendment after amendment that have the same legal scope and effect, it is true : but it so happens in the course of human affairs that the world will not accept that idea. The country will believe and the country in a large degree influences judicial as well as polit- ical proceedings that we are satisfied in both Houses of Congress that the Constitution of the United States as it now stands does not contain any security of political privileges to any man. I do not wish to make that con- cession." Mr. Drake: "Will the honorable Senator from Vermont allow me to inquire whether I understand the scope of his argument ? " Mr. Edmunds: "I do not know that you do." Mr. Drake : " That is exactly what I do not know myself, and I wish to ascertain. The question with me is, on which I wish to get in- formation from the honorable Senator, whether he considers that the first section of the four- teenth article of amendment to the Constitu- tion does now confer upon citizens of the United States the right to vote in the States in which they reside?" Mr. Edmunds: "Decidedly, Mr. President. I congratulate my friend from Missouri, after this long, sleepless night, on his having under- stood my proposition perfectly." Mr. Drake : " Then I must be permitted to say,. Mr. President, that I do not think the proposition is a sound one." Mr. Edmunds : " That, sir, is a question of opinion about which my friend from Missouri will permit me to differ from him, I have no doubt. This fourteenth article, if he will allow me to call his attention to it, was certainly in- tended to do something. I may make use of the same argument that I was suggesting a moment ago against the wisdom of passing this one. It was intended to make it a subject in addition, was it not, touching the political privileges and rights of citizens of the United States ? We have already in the Constitution an express declaration that the privileges and immunities of the citizens of the several States CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. should be guaranteed to them in whatever State they might take up their residence. I am not using the language but the substance of the section, with which my friend is well acquainted. We had that already. We had the article abolishing slavery. What, then, did we lack ? What was the fourteenth article de- signed to secure ? What was there left in the range of the rights of citizenship under the Constitution as it stood before the fourteenth article, except exactly that which is covered and comprehended in the broadest of language contained in the fourteenth article, that the privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States shall not be either abridged or denied by the United States or by any State ; defining also, what it was possible was open to some question after the Dred Scott decision, who were citizens of the United States." Mr. Howe: "Will my friend allow me to ask him, if that language secures the right to vote to men, does it not also to women and children ? " Mr. Edmunds : " Not necessarily." Mr. Howe: "Why not?" Mr. Edmunds : " For a reason that my friend will find better stated, in a legal point of view, than I can state it, in a decision of the supreme court of the State of Kentucky, pronounced about twenty-five or thirty years ago. He will find it there decided that, in order to be a citizen, in the general and comprehensive sense of the term, such as the fourteenth article de- fines it to be, a person must have of necessity, as an essential and indispensable ingredient in citizenship, the highest political privileges that belong to any class in society. Then the court proceeded to say that, although that is true, the highest privileges belonging to any class in society are not extended to females, and therefore the qualification as to females is made in this general right upon the same legal prin- ciple that it is made as to idiots and insane persons ; not that a female is necessarily like either, but, I am speaking in a mere legal sense, as a court would construe it. So, therefore, without at this hour in the day taxing the pa- tience of those who listen to me, by going into the legal and logical argument that can be made and that is made by the courts to deny the right to vote to females, while they assert and maintain that it is an essential and indis- pensable constituent of the right of manhood citizenship, I refer my friend to those judicial decisions to show that there is comprehended in the very name of citizen in this country, truly and rightly considered and adjudicated, the same great and all-embracing powets that in ancient times applied to a Roman citizen." Mr. Howe : " But I wish, if my friend will allow me, to ask him if the decision of the supreme court of Kentucky, to which he refers, pronounced twenty-five years ago, is not re- versed by this very clause of the Constitution, which says that all persons, born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the juris- CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 159 diction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the States in which they reside." Mr. Edmunds : " Not reversed at all ; for that is exactly what the decision holds. It holds that everybody, subject to the qualifica- tion I have named, is a citizen of the country for that purpose ; that there belongs to every- body who, as a part of the highest class in community, may exercise political privileges, equal political rights; and therefore, as the case was in Kentucky, a male person cannot be a citizen unless, being a citizen, he has breathed into him, at the same moment with the fact that he is a citizen, the right to vote. That is perhaps a sufficient definition of citizen- ship in the narrow sense we are now speaking of, as distinguishing between the rights of cit- izens, rather than denning what they are. A citizen is a person in community who, other things being equal, is invested with all the privileges that belong to the highest class in community, by whatever name you may call them." Mr. Warner, of Alabama, said : "I will ask the Senator from Vermont how long he thinks it would be before the construction which he gives to the Constitution, namely, that the right to vote and hold office inure to citizen- ship, would be so far enforced as to practically give to every citizen the right to vote and hold office ? " Mr. Edmunds : " I think that depends upon the courageous fortitude and the vigorous ag- gressive assertion of that right under the Con- stitution that the two Houses of Congress may show. I believe if we were to pass a law under the fourteenth article of amendment which should assert and put into practical operation what I believe to be the true spirit and life of it, that it would not be two years, or one year, before in three-fourths of the States more than you can get in one year or ten years for any new amendment of the Constitution it would be an accomplished fact." Mr. Drake: "Mr. President, I would not protract this debate a moment longer, if it were not that the honorable Senator from Vermont, it seems to me, has taken an exceedingly er- roneous and detrimental view of the first sec- tion of the fourteenth article of amendments to the Constitution. We have arrived at the stage of the debate upon this great question when it is exceedingly important that we should un- derstand precisely what we are about and ex- press our views with the utmost perspicuity that we are capable of, for now is the time when we are to select the language that is to go into this amendment. " The honorable Senator from Vermont takes the position that the fourteenth article of amendment does in fact now, at this moment of time, confer the right to vote upon all citi- zens of the United States. I am constrained to differ from the Senator from Vermont in that view ; and I think it will be apparent to the Senate, by a very brief examination of the terms of that section, that no such claim can be rightfully based upon it. Let us look at the first sentence of that section : All persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are cit- izens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. " Does the honorable Senator contend that that sentence is the one which confers upon men the right to vote ? If he does, then every State provision with regard to voters is com- pletely overridden and put out of sight. Where they require a man to reside in a State twelve months, that is abrogated and annulled by this sentence, if that be operative to confer the right of suffrage ; because the very moment that a man takes up his residence in a State, it may be upon the very morning of the day of election, he can go to the polls and deposit his ballot, notwithstanding the declaration of the constitution of that State that he shall have resided there one year, or two, as is the case in some States. " I do not think that the honorable Senator from Vermont will claim that that sentence of the first section of the fourteenth article con- fers upon any man the right of suffrage. It is simply, and never was intended for any thing else than, a definition of what constitutes a citizen of the United States and a citizen of a State a question that had been debated in this country, about which judicial decisions pro and con. had been given, and about which the opin- ions of Attorneys-General of the United States had been given ; and yet it was never settled, and probably never would be settled, until set- tled just in this way. " Now, sir, let us look at the next portion of that sentence which, from the remarks of the honorable Senator, I take to be the one that h,e considers to cover the right to vote. It reads thus: No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States. " To make the argument of the Senator from Vermont good, it must be that he holds that a privilege of a citizen of the United States is to vote." Mr. Edmunds : " Is it not one of yours ? " Mr. Drake : " It is ; but I am a citizen also of Missouri, and under her constitution entitled to vote. I say a. citizen of the United States merely is not entitled to vote anywhere in the United States. There is not a spot of land in the United States where a man is entitled to vote merely because he is a citizen of the Uni- ted States. He must comply with the terms of the local constitution or the local law." Mr. Sumner : " Does the Senator take into view the clause of that amendment by which Congress is expressly empowered to enforce the amendment ? " Mr. Drake: "I do." Mr. Sumner: "Is there not a source of power in that ? " 160 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. Mr. Drake : " There is a source of power to enforce all that is written in that amendment." Mr. Sumner : " That is, to enforce the im- munities and privileges of citizens. Congress has plenary power to enforce those immunities and privileges. What more can it have ? What amendment can you invent ROW that will give Congress so much as it has there? " Mr. Drake: "Mr. President, there is the very assumption again that the word * privi- leges ' embraces the right to vote; and that is the very thing I am disputing. I say again, and I call upon any Senator here who can do it, to show me where in the United States a man can vote merely because he is a citizen of the United States. I say, fearlessly, nowhere within the limits of the territory of the whole United States. There is, wherever he may be, a local constitution or a local law which pre- scribes something more than to be a citizen of the United States in order that he shall vote. Every Senator here knows that fact as existing in his own State, and therefore it is that it is impossible that the word 'privileges' as con- tained in this section of the Constitution can embrace the right to vote because a man is a citizen of the United States." Mr. Patterson, of New Hampshire : " I should like to call the attention of the gentleman to one point, as I do not wish to speak myself on this subject. If the construction which the Senator from Vermont puts upon this first sec- tion of the fourteenth amendment is true, will it not abrogate the educational provision with regard to the right of suffrage in Massachusetts ? Will it not abrogate the religious test which is in the letter of the constitution of New Hamp- shire for officeholding, and the requirement of residence also ? " Mr. Drake : " I would say, with regard to that, that there is just one conclusion to which the constitutional lawyer must come if the con- struction claimed by the Senator from Ver- mont is correct ; and that is, that every single provision contained in every constitution of every State of this Union is wiped out by that single sentence, except the mere requirement that the man shall be a citizen of the United States, and that it imposes that requirement upon every man in every State, notwithstand- ing the constitution of the State may admit men to vote who are not citizens of the United States. I do not think that that is a correct construction of this sentence. I think we have more to do. I think that sentence referred only to the privileges and immunities which attach to men as citizens of the United States." Mr. Edmunds : " What are those ? " < Mr. Drake : "Personal, sir; the right to life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness." Mr. Edmunds : " Do you think, then, that a citizen of the United States would have a right to acquire real estate in your State except he took it by or in conformity to your law ? " Mr. Drake : " No, sir ; that is a mere matter of local form." Mr. Edmunds : "A mere regulation." Mr. Drake : "A mere regulation as matter of local form." Mr. Edmunds : " So is the residence of the voter." Mr. Drake : *' But this does not have the effect of wiping out that regulation." Mr. Edmunds : " It does if it is construed in that way." Mr. Drake : " If it is to be construed as giving the right to vote, then, as I said before, it does wipe out every thing else, and we stand here then before the whole country claiming that a constitutional amendment, which was adopted without any man in the nation ever saying that it meant that thing, does sweep out from the constitutions of all the States all the requirements of age, of residence, of property, of education. Every thing of that kind is swept away by that one clause, and all men who are citizens of the United States are entitled to vote wherever they may happen to be at the time of the election." Mr. Edmunds : " I hope the Senate will not be frightened out of any fair construction of the fourteenth article, or any other article, by the tremendous consequences which my friend from Missouri has painted. I do not think it would be very frightful if it should happen that the clause in the constitution of New Hampshire which requires a certain religious test I do not know whether it is Mohamme- dan or Christian or what it may be for hold- ing office, or the clause in any other State con- stitution which limits the right to vote to per- sons of a particular race, were swept away. The question is, after all, what is the fair, legal construction that can be fairly put upon lan- guage which is to be interpreted favorably and beneficially for the enlargement of the rights of men. The argument that the Senator from Missouri has addressed to us is based purely upon consequences that he supposes to be ab- surd or inconvenient which are to flow from that construction. " Now, sir, to condense ; the key to this whole question between my friend and me is here : if it is one of the essential privileges of citizen- ship, as my friend knows that it is to him and to me, to vote, to exercise political power, then the Constitution says that the privileges which belong to him and me shall not be denied or abridged by any State. "The Constitution does not say that the privileges and immunities of a particular class, a chosen few, shall not be denied or abridged. It does not declare that in the State of New Hampshire the privileges and the immunities of Protestants shall not be abridged or denied. It does not say that in Massachusetts the privi- leges and immunities of those who can read and write and know how to defend themselves shall not be denied ; but it is a comprehensive term as well in the objects over which it rests as in the subject of which it speaks ; and the difficulty which my friend has suggested, that CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 161 it wipes away every regulation of the exercise of rights in the States because it gives those rights, is purely imaginary. Every lawyer knows, every statesman knows, every intelli- gent man in the country knows that it is one thing to have a right which is absolute and inalienable, and it is another thing for the body of the community to regulate equally and fairly the exercise of that right." Mr. Drake : "I wish to inquire of the Sena- tor whether, when he votes at the polls in the State of Vermont, he votes there as a citizen of the United States or as a citizen of Ver- mont ? " Mr. Edmunds: "Both." Mr. Drake: "Then both being done, one would not suffice. The citizenship of the Uni- ted States would not suffice." Mr. Edmunds: "The Constitution answers that question. It declares that because I am a citizen of the United States I am a citizen, for that reason, of the State of Vermont, if I reside there. That is the very language of it." Mr. Howard : "I wish to say but one word on this subject. I feel it a duty to make a single remark. As many of the Senators well know, I served on the joint Committee on Re- construction, who reported the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution to the Senate and to the House of Representatives ; and I am not unfamiliar with the object of that amend- ment. It was discussed at great length before the committee, and by the committee, as well as in the Senate ; and I feel constrained to say here now that this is the first time it ever occurred to me that the right to vote was to be derived from the fourteenth article. I think such a construction cannot be maintained. No such thing was contemplated on the part of the committee which reported the amendment; and, if I recollect rightly, nothing to that effect was said in debate in the Senate when it was on its passage. " One word further. The construction which is now sought to be put upon the first sec- tion of this fourteenth article, it seems to me, is plainly and flatly contradicted by what fol- lows in the second section of the same article. After declaring in the first section that All persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are cit- izens of the -United States and of the State wherein they reside ; " And after declaring that No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; " The second section goes on to say : But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Kepresentatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, etc. Plainly and in the clearest possible terms rec- ognizing the right of each State to regulate the VOL. ix. 11. A suffrage and to impart or to declare the neces- sary qualifications of voters for members of the House of Representatives, electors of President and Vice-President, and members of the State Legislature. Sir, can any thing be clearer? " Mr. Sumner: "The Senator is aware that that was denied at that time, and it would not have passed the Senate had anybody at- tributed to it that meaning. That I am able to say. It could not have passed the Senate. The Senator knows very well that there was an amendment, as it came from the House of Representatives, that was suscep- tible of such an interpretation ; and I felt it my duty to oppose it, which I did at great length and most elaborately, precisely on the ground that it did abandon to the States the power to discriminate against colored persons ; I refused to support that amendment, and I associated myself with others in that refusal. The Senator from Illinois (Mr. Yates) took part in that discussion, and he was associated with me in consultation to defeat the amendment. We did defeat it, and on that ground, that it conceded to the States the power to discrimi- nate against colored persons. We said we would have nothing to do with any such prop- osition. Then this article was brought for- ward, and it was sustained on that avowed ground, that it did no such thing." *, Mr. Howard : " I have but another word to say. The occasion of introducing the first sec- tion of the fourteenth article of amendment into that amendment grew out of the fact that there was nothing in the whole Constitution to secure absolutely the citizens of the United States in the various States against an infringe- ment of their rights and privileges under the second section of the fourth article of the old Constitution. That section declares that The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States. " There it was plainly written down. Now, sir, it seems to me, that, unless the Senator from Vermont and the Senator from Massa- chusetts can derive the right of voting from this ancient second section of the fourth article upon the ground that the citizens of each State are entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States, they must give up the argument ; and I assert here with con- fidence that no such construction was ever given to the second section of the fourth arti- cle of the Constitution. " Now, sir, the first section of the fourteenth article, in the first place, makes the declaration that- All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. "That had not previously been enacted. Then follows the inhibitory clause, which was deemed so important by the committee, that No State shall make or enforce any law which shall 162 abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States. " The immediate object of this was to pro- hibit for the future all hostile legislation on the part of the recently rebel States in reference to the colored citizens of the United States who had become emancipated, and who finally were declared to be citizens by the civil rights bill passed by Congress. It was to secure them against any infringement or violation of their rights by those Southern Legislatures. That is the whole history of it." Mr. Sumner : " The Senate must meet very soon again, and can then come to a vote on all these different propositions and give them the attention they deserve. I therefore move that the Senate adjourn." The President pro tempore : " The question is on the motion of the Senator from Massa- chusetts, that the Senate adjourn." Mr. Stewart called for the yeas and nays, and they were ordered ; and, being taken, re- sulted yeas 11, nays 37; as follows: YEAS Messrs. Anthony, Buckalew, Fowler, Hen- dricks, McCreery, Norton, Eamsey, Saulsbury, Sum- ner, Vickers, and Yates 11. NATS Messrs. Abbott, Cameron, Cattell, Chan- dler, Cole, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Ferry, Frelinghuy- sen, Harlan, Harris, Howard, Howe, Kellogg, Mc- Donald, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Ver- it, Nye, Osborn, Patterson of New Hampshire, CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. ABSENT Messrs. Bayard, Conkling, Conness, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Edmunds, Fessenden, Grimes, Henderson, Morton, Patterson of Tennessee, Pomeroy, Pool, Sherman, Sprague, Tipton, and Whyte 18. So the Senate refused to adjourn. Mr. Cragin, of New Hampshire, said : "Mr. President, I did not think that I could pos- sibly be tempted to say any thing in refer- ence to the question now under consider- ation ; but the position taken by the Senator from Vermont greatly surprises me. When I remember the struggle that we had here in the passage of the fourteenth amendment ; when I remember that it was announced upon this floor by more than one gentleman, and contradicted and denied by no one, so far as I recollect, that that amendment did not confer the right of voting upon anybody, I say I am surprised that such a position should be taken at this late hour in the debate. There is no doubt upon the question. It was the understanding of Congress and of the people of this country that that amendment did not confer and did not seek to confer any right to vote upon any citizen of the United States. That amendment was passed after the passage of the civil rights bill. That law had not been carried out. It had not been enforced. It was passed also for the purpose of deciding once and forever that the emancipated slave was a citizen of the United States. There were other reasons which entered into the considera- tion of that question. But that it conferred the right to vote was distinctly disclaimed on this floor in the caucus which has been alluded to here to-night ; and, for one, I am not will- ing to have it go out from this Senate that we passed that amendment understanding that it conferred any right to vote." The President pro tempore: "The question is on the amendment of the Senator from Mis- souri to the amendment of the Senator from Nevada." The amendment to the amendment was re- jected. The President pro tempore : " The question now is on the amendment offered by the Sen- ator from Nevada." Mr. Howard: "I now offer the amendment to which I referred during the discussion as a substitute for the pending amendment. It is as follows : Citizens of the United States of African descent shall have the same right to vote and hold office ic. States and Territories as other citizens, electors of the most numerous branch of their respective Legis- latures." Mr. Sumner : " If we are to have a consti- tutional amendment now, I want to have it as complete as possible, so that it shall provide against any possible necessity of any amend- ment hereafter. It will be observed that this amendment of my friend from Michigan, like the amendment of the committee, is confined simply to the right to vote and hold office. It seems to me that we ought to make a complete work, and to provide for full equality of rights in all respects. If there be any other particu- lar under the head of right, we ought to secure it to all persons, without distinction of color. I propose, therefore, to add to the amendment of my friend from Michigan these words : ' And there shall be no discrimination in rights on account of race or color. " Of course the object of this is to broaden the proposition, not merely to make it a guar- antee of the right to vote and to hold office, bu a guarantee of equal rights universally." Mr. Drake: "I would ask the honorable Senator from Massachusetts what is the neces- sity for that, in view of the language of the first section of the fourteenth article of the amendment to the Constitution, which says : Nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection 01 the laws." Mr. Sumner: "I should answer the Sena- tor's question by putting him another. What is the use of the constitutional amendment on which you are now to vote ? " Mr. Drake: "Just the very use that it ex- presses on its face, to secure the right of suf- frage to these men whose personal and legal rights we had guaranteed in the previous amendment, but had not guaranteed to them the right of suffrage." Mr. Sumner: "I differ radically and entirely from my friend, and I think there is just the CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 163 same necessity for the supplementary provi- sion that I propose as there is for the pro- vision which has his support. If the clause to which he calls attention is inadequate to pro- tect persons in their rights of citizenship, in- cluding the right to vote, it is inadequate to protect them in any thing ; the clause is so much waste-paper. Now, are we in earnest ? Are we disposed to close this question up so that no petitions hereafter shall come to us asking equal rights protected either by Con- gress or by constitutional amendment ? I say I want to make complete work and finish it so that hereafter there shall be no question. It is on that account that I would make the ad- dition to the proposition of my friend from Michigan." Mr. Edmunds : " I hope the Senate will not* agree to that amendment. It does not, as it seems to me, stand on any principle. It limits constitutional privileges to persons of African descent, selecting one particular and peculiar nationality. It does appear to me that there is nothing republican in that. It may do as an expedient for to-day." Mr. Ferry, of Connecticut, said : " I am in favor of the proposition of the Senator from Michigan, because it meets and remedies the one existing evil with regard to which there is yet an omission in the Constitution of the United States." Mr. Williams, of Oregon, said : " I hope this amendment will be adopted, because it is ex- plicit and declares just exactly what we mean. We either mean to enfranchise the African or not in this country by means of this amend- ment. If we mean that, we say it, and it is understood by everybody. If we mean to pro- vide that all foreigners of all races and condi- tions and classes, whether from Asia or Africa, shall come in here and enjoy the privileges of this amendment, then we ought to adopt some language to accomplish that purpose ; but, as suggested by the Senator from Connecticut, the practical evil in this country at this time is that persons of African descent are disfran- chised. We propose to provide a remedy, and we do not exclude anybody else by this amend- ment, but we provide that those persons shall have the right to vote and to hold office, if it becomes necessary, as I have no doubt it will." Mr. Cole, of California, said: "I am in favor of the amendment of the Senator from Michigan which has just been read. It will effectually leave out of the question the subject of the Chines immigration which has excited so much feeling on the part of Senators not from the Pacific coast. I am not myself apprehen- sive of any great difficulty arising from that source. The Chinese, to be sure, in sc-me numbers come to the Pacific coast, but not with the intention of becoming citizens. I presume no application on the part of a single one of them has been made to become a citizen of the United States. So wedded are they to their native country, the Celestial Empire, that even the dead are taken back there. This proposition of the Senator from Michigan goes to the extent of enfranchising native-born Americans. It is entirely different in its scope and extent from one which would include the Chinese." Mr. Edmunds: "Mr. President, we are now coming to an important practical question, and I shall be excused, for one, I have no doubt, for expressing my views briefly upon it; be- cause I regard this amendment, if adopted, as fatal in its consequences to the very ends that gentlemen wish to attain. I wish gentlemen to bear in mind that all that we propose to do to amend the Constitution is to confer upon citizens, not upon aliens, certain rights that we suppose them now to be deprived of either legally or illegally. It has nothing to .do with the question whether the Asiatic race should be received into the family of this nation as citizens. It only speaks as to the political status of citizens of the United States. Now, I should be glad to know what sort of a spec- tacle we shall make in history, dealing with our male adult citizens, if we declare in the fudamental law which regulates the very sub- structure of society that the citizens of African descent shall be entitled to certain privileges by name." Mr. Ferry: "Entitled to the same rights with other citizens." Mr. Edmunds: "Yes, entitled to the same rights with other citizens ; and then the ques- tion arises, what are the rights of other citi- zens? Taking the view that in the present state of constitutional law it belongs to the States and is with them, the rights of some citizens of Connecticut are one thing and of other citizens another thing. Which class of citizens of Connecticut is to furnish the stand- ard of comparison ? " . Mr. Warner, of Alabama, said : " I hope this amendment will not be adopted. I hope the Congress of this country will not single out one race for protection ; but that we shall go at once to the broad, grand, affirmative propo- sition which shall secure the object the Senator from Vermont so well states that of securing to all the citizens of this country their rights. I think this proposition to single out one race is the weakest one that can be put before the country. If we want to strengthen it and give it a chance of adoption, we ought to amend it and insert the Irish and Germans. I think to single out one race is unworthy of the country and unworthy of the great opportunity now presented to us. We ought to go to the root of the matter by putting in the fundamental law a provision which will make the Constitu- tion beyond doubt mean what the Senators from Vermont and Massachusetts now under- stand it to mean." Mr. Patterson, of New Hampshire, said: "I hope that this proposition will be adopted ; for, of all the amendments which have been offered, I think it is the best. Our object is to meet a 164 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. wrong done to a class of black native citizens ; to give them the same privileges that other citizens of the United States possess. The Constitution gives to the United States the right to establish a uniform system of natural- ization ; so that Europeans and Asiatics com- ing to our coast may be naturalized upon the same conditions in California and in New York. So by the passage of this proposition we shall relieve these black citizens, native to the soil, from the wrong which is done them, without doing any wrong to the Asiatics who may flow in upon our Western shores. I pre- fer, for one, to leave that question open^so that, if a war springs up in Asia and these increas- ing tides of immigration from Asia pour upon our Pacific coast in such numbers as to en- danger the welfare of those States, they may have it in their power to guard themselves against the threatened evils, and then, if any evil should result, it will be in our power to remedy it. ' Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof. 1 Let us meet this evil, and not, in attempting to meet it, provide others that we know not of." The President pro tempore : " The question is on the amendment of the Senator from Michigan to the amendment of the Senator from Nevada." The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted yeas 16, nays 35 ; as follows: YEAS Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Cole, Corbett, Cragin, Ferry, Harlan, Howard, Norton, Patterson of New Hampshire, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Wade, Welch, and Williams 16. NATS Messrs. Abbott, Bayard, Buckalew, Cam- eron, Cattell, Doolittle, Drake, Edmunds. Freling- huysen, Harris, Hendricks, Howe, Kellogg, McCreery, McDonald, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Ver- mont. Nye, Patterson of Tennessee, Eamsey, Eice, Saulsbury, Sawyer, Sherman, Spencer, Stewart, TrumbulL Van Winkle, Vickers, Warner, Whyte, Willey, Wilson, and Yates 35. ABSENT Messrs. Conklin, Conness, Davis, Dix on, Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Henderson, Morton, Osborn, Pomeroy, Pool, Eobertson, Eoss, and Sprague ~l5. So the amendment to the amendment was rejected. The President pro tempore: "The question is now on the amendment of the Senator from Nevada." Mr. Warner : "I wish to move a substitute for the whole proposition." The Chief Clerk : "The proposed amend- ment is to strike out all after ' section one ' and to insert the following : The right of citizens of tlie United States to hold ce shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State on account of property, race color, or previous condition of servitude ; and every male citizen of the United States of the age of twenty- one years, or over, and who is of sound mind, shall have an equal vote at all elections in the State in which he shall have actually resided for a period of ne year next preceding such election, except such as may hereafter engage in insurrection or rebellion against the United States, and such as shall be duly convicted of treason, felony, or other infamous Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, said : " Mr. President, I thought nothing would tempt me to say one word in this debate on the constitutional amendment, but Senators have already per- ceived the difficulty we are approaching, and we might as well at once face the issue. There are five different causes of exclusion from the right to vote in this and other countries. The first is race. This cause of exclusion has ex- isted in this country in nearly all the States until recently. The second is property, and that has existed in England since the founda- tion of their government. The third is reli- gion, which exists in almost all countries ex- cept our own. The fourth is nativity, and that exists in nearly all countries. The fifth is edu- .cation, and that is an experiment of ours, I be- lieve, in Massachusetts. " Now, Mr. President, if we are endeavoring to settle this question once for all, I think it would be wiser and better to declare that every male citizen of the United States, native or naturalized, above the age of twenty-one years, shall have the right to vote, unless he is ex- cluded for crime ; and that no State shall ex- clude any one from the right to vote because of his race, because of his property or want of property, because of his religion, because of his birthplace, or because of the misfortune of want of education. As this amendment makes the nearest approach to that, I have made up my mind to vote for it, or I shall vote for the amendment of the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Wilson). I do not like to apply a rule so narrow and limited as to guarantee rights to the African race which we refuse to the Asi- atic race or to other races. I do not wish to include the ignorant masses of our Southern population and exclude the partially-intelligent classes of the State of Massachusetts. I do not want to include the negroes and exclude or al- low a State to exclude foreigners who are de- clared to be citizens of the United States under the laws of the United States. " Therefore, it does seem to me that, if we intend to now prescribe a rule for suffrage in this country, we ought to make it operate uni- versally and withdraw from the States all power to exclude any portion of the male citi- zens of the United States, leaving them, if they choose, to regulate the length of residence, whether females shall participate . in the elec- tive franchise, at what age males shall vote, etc. ; but to exclude from them all power to deprive any portion of our male citizens above the age of twenty-one years of the right to vote, unless where the right has been forfeited by crime. If the amendment of the Senator from Massachusetts is voted down and this amendment is voted down, then the next best proposition, I think, is that report of the Com- mittee on the Judiciary, which I shall then vote for." Mr. Howard : " I have two objections to this amendment. The first is that it proposes to change the existing Constitution in refer- CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 165 ence to qualifications of President of the Uni- ted States. If this amendment shall be adopted, then that clause of the Constitution which re- quires that the President of the United States shall be a native-born citizen of the United States is repealed, and any person who has been naturalized and then become a citizen of the United States will be eligible to the office of President ; and so of the members of the Senate." Mr. Bayard, of Delaware, said : " Mr. Presi- dent, I do not propose to prolong this debate or discuss the merits of the particular amend- ment now pending. I am satisfied that no argument will avail in this body to prevent the passage of this amendment in some form, or as to effect its particular object, the grant of the franchise of suffrage to the negro race. " The fiat has gone forth, and the fell spirit of party, the bane of republics, has decreed its passage. I have yet the hope, however, that many of even Republican members of the State Legislatures will have sufficient sense of duty to regard the confidence and good faith which in all free governments should always be main- tained between the representative and his con- stituents, and that they will decline in many of the States to act upon the proposed amend- ment without first ascertaining the will of their constituents, and if that will is ascer- tained I have no fears as to the decision of the people. " Sir, the mode and time at which this amendment has been introduced and the pres- sure for its passage in the last month of an ex- piring Congress show conclusively that it is in- tended to fetter the people to throw a chain around the limbs of the giant while he slum- bers. "Whether you succeed or fail in your object, you may yet find that the people have more than the single eye of Polyphemus, and when the giant awakens many of you will seek in vain to escape his just vengeance by creep- ing under the bellies of sheep, like Ulysses and his companions. " I shall make no further opposition to the amendment in any form you may please to mould it, beyond my negative vote." Mr. Willey, of West Virginia, said : " Mr. President, this proposition of the Senator from Alabama is one of universal suffrage and uni- versal amnesty. I confess that I should like to feel myself authorized to extend amnesty and make it universal now, and I shall take pleasure in doing so whenever I can be con- vinced that the true interests, the welfare, the safety, the public peace of the country will justify it. The time has not yet come when we can venture so far as that. We have not fully justified ourselves yet in imposing this restriction in our previous legislation. I have not yet seen those fruits meet for repentance to justify me in responding to the inclinations of my feelings and my heart. I, therefore, while that feature remains in the proposition of the Senator from Alabama, allowing those who have been so recently engaged in a most terrible effort to overthrow the best of all gov- ernments on the face of the earth to be rein- troduced into the political control of the gov- ernment I say at present I cannot bring my- self to allow that to be done if I can prevent it." The President pro tempore : " The question is on the amendment of the Senator from Ala- bama to the amendment of the Senator from Nevada." The amendment to the amendment was re- jected. Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, said: "I de- sire to submit an amendment, to strike out sec- tion one and insert the following : There shall be no discrimination in any State among the citizens of the United States in the exer- cise of the elective franchise in any election therein, or in the qualifications of office in any State, on ac- count of race, color, nativity, property, education, or religious belief." Mr. Anthony, of Rhode Island, said : " It is now within half an hour of the usual time of meeting for to-morrow, and in order to make the Journal read correctly there should be aa adjournment, and I think, Mr. President, some- thing is due to the officers of the Senate." On motion of Mr. Anthony, at eleven o'clock and thirty-five minutes A. M. (Tuesday, Febru- ary 9), the Senate adjourned. In the Senate on February 9th, Mr. Stewart, of Nevada, moved that the consideration of the constitutional amendment be taken up. The question was on the adoption of the amend- ment offered by Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts. The yeas and nays were ordered ; and, being taken, resulted yeas 19, nays 24; as follows : YEAS Messrs. Cattell, Conness, Grimes, Harlan, Harris, Howe, McDonald, Morton, Eamsey, Boss, Sawyer, Sherman.Sumner, Van Winkle, Wade, Welch, Williams, Wilson, and Yates 19. NAYS Messrs. Abbott, Anthony, Bayard, Cole, Conkling, Corbett, Davis, Dixon, Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Howard, Morgan, Morrill of Ver- mont, Norton, Nye, Patterson or Tennessee, Eice, Eobertson, Spencer, Stewart, Trumbull, Vickers, and Willey 24. ABSENT Messrs. Buckalew, Cameron, Chandler, Cragin, Doolittle, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Hender- son, Hendricks, Kellogg, McCreery, Morrill of Maine, Osborn, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, PooLSaulsbury, Sprague, Thayer, Tipton, Warner, and W hyte 23. So the amendment to the amendment was rejected. Mr. Sawyer, of South Carolina, said : "I move to amend the amendment by striking out all of section one of the amendment re- ported by the committee, and inserting the fol- lowing : The right to vote and hold office in the United States and the several States and Territories shall belong to all male citizens of the United States who are twenty-one years old, and who have not been or shall not be duly convicted of treason or other in- famous crime: Provided, That nothing herein con- tained shall deprive the several States of the right to make such registration laws as shall be deemed ne- cessary to guard the purity of elections and to fix 166 the terms of residence which shall precede the exer- cise of the right to vote : And provided, That the United States and the several States shall have the right to fix the age and other qualifications for omce under their respective jurisdictions, which said regis- tration laws, terms of residence, age, and other quali- fications, shall be uniformly applicable to all male citizens of the United States." The amendment to the amendment was re- jected. Mr. Fowler, of Tennessee, said: "I now offer my amendment, to strike out all of sec- tion one of the amendment reported by the committee, and to insert : All the male citizens of the United States, residents of the several States now or hereafter comprehended in the Union, of the age of twenty-one years and up- ward, shall be entitled to an equal vote in all elec- tions in the State wherein they shall reside; the period of such residence as a qualification for voting to be decided by each State t except such citizens as shall engage in rebellion or insurrection, or shall be duly convicted of treason or other infamous crime." The yeas and nays were ordered; as fol- lows : YEAS Messrs. Bayard, Cragin, Dixon, Fowler, Patterson of Tennessee, Eoss, Sherman, Van "Winkle, and Wilson 9. NAYS Messrs. Abbott, Anthony, Cattell, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Davis, Drake, Ferry, Frelinghuysen. Harlan, Harris, Howard, McDonald, Morgan, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Patter- son of New Hampshire, Pool, Eamsey, Eice, Eobert- son. Sawyer, Spencer, Stewart, Tipton, Trumbull, Vickers, Wade, Welch, Willey, Williams, and Yates 35. ABSENT Messrs. Buckalew, Cameron, Chandler, Doolittle, Edmunds, Fessenden, Grimes, Hender- son, Hendricks, Howe, Kellogg, McCreery, Morrill of Maine, Norton, Osborn, Pomeroy .JSaulsbury, Sprague, Sumner, Thayer, Warner, and Whyte 22. So the amendment to the amendment was rejected. Mr. Conness, of California, said: "In the first line of the committee's amendment the word ' or ' occurs between the words ' States ' and 'by.' I move to insert the word 'nor' instead of ' or ; ' so that it shall read : The right of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged by the United States nor by any State." The President pro tempore : " The question is on the amendment of the Senator from Cali- fornia to the amendment of the committee." The amendment to the amendment was agreed to. Mr. Vickers, of Maryland, said : " I desire to offer an amendment to the amendment. It is to insert at the end of the amendment the fol- lowing : Nor shall the right to vote be denied or abridged because of participation in the recent rebellion." The question was taken by yeas and nays, as follows : YEAS Messrs. Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Ferry, Fowler, Grimes, Harlan, Hendricks, McCreery, Norton, Patterson of Tennessee, Pool Eamsey, Robertson, Sawyer, Trumbull, Van Winkle Vickers, and Wilson 21. NATS Messrs. Abbott, Anthony, Cattell, Cole, CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Fessen- den, Frelinghuysen, Harris, Howard, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Eice, Eoss, Sherman, Spencer, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Wade, Welch, Willey, Wil- liams, and Yates 32. ABSENT Messrs. Cameron, Chandler. Edmunds, Henderson, Kellogg, McDonald, Morrill of Maine, Osborn, Pomeroy, Saulsbury, Sprague, Warner, and Whyte 13. So the amendment to the amendment was rejected. Mr. Bayard, of Delaware, said : " I move to amend the amendment by inserting after the word ' vote ' in the first line the words ' for electors of President and Vice-President and members of the House of Representatives of the United States ; ' and by inserting after the word 'office' in the second line the words ' under the United States ; ' so as to make the clause read : The right of citizens of the United States to vote for electors of President and Vice-President and members of the House of Eepresentatives of the United States, and hold office under the United States, shall not be denied or abridged by the United States nor by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. The yeas and nays were ordered ; and, being taken, resulted as follows : YEAS Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Buckalew, Da- vis, Dixon, Doolittle, Grimes, Hendricks, McCreery, Norton, Saulsbury, and Van Winkle 12. NATS Messrs. Abbott, Cattell, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Ferry, Frelinghuy- sen, Harlan, Harris, Howard, Howe, McDonald, Mor- gan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pool, Eamsey, Eice, Robertson, Eoss, Sawyer, Sherman, Spencer, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Trumbull, Vick- ers, Wade, Warner, Welch, Willey, Williams, Wil- son, and Yates 42. ABSENT Messrs. Cameron, Chandler, Edmunds, Fessenden, Fowler, Henderson, Kellogg, Osborn, Patterson of Tennessee, Pomeroy, Sprague, and Whyte 12. So the amendment to the amendment was rejected. Mr. Corbett, of Oregon, said: "Mr. Presi- dent, I had the honor to offer an amendment, which I intend to call up at the proper time for consideration, to be added after the amend- ment of the committee, in these words : But Chinamen not born in the United States and Indians not taxed shall not be deemed or made citi- zens." The amendment was rejected. The President pro tempore : " The question is on the amendment of the Senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Wilson) to the amendment proposed by the Senator from Nevada (Mr, Stewart)." The yeas and nays were ordered, and re- sulted as follows : YEAS Messrs. Abbott-Cameron, Cattell, Conness, Cragin, Ferry, Grimes, Harlan, Harris, Hendricks, Howe, McDonald, Morton, Osborn, Pool, Eice, Eob- ertson, Boss.Sawyer, Sherman, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Van Winkle, Wade, Warner, Welch, Willey, Williams, Wilson, and Yates 81. NATS Messrs. Anthony, Buckalew, Chandler, CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 167 Cole, Conkling, Corbett.Dixon, Doolittle, Drake, Edmunds, Fessenden ? Frelinghuysen, McCreery, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Patterson of Tennes- see, Bamsey, Saulsbury, Spencer, Sprague, Stewart, Trumbull, Vickers, and Whyte 27. ABSENT Messrs. Bayard, Davis, Fowler, Hender- son, Howard, Kellogg, Norton, and Pomeroy 8. So the amendment to the amendment was agreed to. The President pro tempore: " The question is on the amendment as amended." The amendment as amended was agreed to. Mr. Buckalew: "Now, I offer my amend- ment, to add : That the foregoing amendment shall be submitted ^or ratification to the Legislatures of the several ' States the most numerous branches of which shall be chosen next after the passage of this resolution." The yeas and nays were ordered, and re- sulted as follows : YEAS Messrs. Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fowler, Hendricks, McCreery, Patterson of Tennessee, Saulsbury, Van Winkle, Vickers, and Whyte-13. NAYS Messrs. Abbott, Cameron, Cattell, Chan- dler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, , , Edmunds, Ferry, Fessenden, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Harris, Howe, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Patterson of New Hamp- shire, Pool, Eamsey, Eice, Kobertson, Boss. Sawyer, , , , , , . , Sherman, Spencer, Stewart, Sumner, Thayer, Tipton, Trumbull, Wade, Warner, Welch, Willey, Williams, Wilson, and Yates 43. ABSENT Messrs. Anthony, Grimes, Henderson, Howard, Kellogg, McDonald, Norton, Osborn, Pome- roy, and. Sprague 10. So the amendment was rejected. Mr. Dixon: "I now offer my amendment. It is in the fourth line of the resolution to strike out the words 'the Legislatures of and insert ' conventions,' and in the sixth line to strike out the word ' Legislatures ' and insert ' con- ventions ; ' so as to read : That the following article be proposed to conven- tions' in the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when rati- fied by three-fourths of said conventions, shall be held a part of said Constitution. " I ask that the question may be taken by yeas and nays." The yeas and nays were ordered, and re- sulted as follows : YEAS Messrs. Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Hendricks, McCreery.Patterson of Ten- nessee, Saulsbury, Vickers, and Whyte 11. NAYS Messrs. Abbott, Cameron, Cattell, Chan- dler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Cragin Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Fessenden, Frelinghuysen, Harlan. Harris, Howe, Kellogg, McDonald, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pool, Eamsey, Kice, Eobertson, Eoss, O __ -_ CtT ___ __C1 ___ ___ r\* ' . f ... . ' ABSENT Messrs. Anthony, Fowler, Grimes, Hen- derson, Howard, Morton, Norton, Osborn, Pomeroy, and Sprague 10. So the amendment was rejected. Mr. Morton : " I offer the following amend- ment, which is reported unanimously by the Committee on Representative Reform, to come in as an additional article : ARTICLE . The second clause, first section, article two of the Constitution of the United States shall be amended to read as follows : each State shall appoint, by a vote of the people thereof qualified to vote for Eepresentatives in Congress, a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Eepresent- atives to which the State may be entitled in the Con- gress ; but no Senator or Eepresentative, or person holding an office of trust and profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector; and the Con- gress shall have power to prescribe the manner in which such electors shall be chosen by the people." The President pro tempore: "The question is on agreeing to this amendment." The yeas and nays were ordered ; and, being taken, resulted yeas 27, nays 29 ; as follows : YEAS Messrs. Buckalew, Cattell, Dixon, Doolit- tle, Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Hendricks, Kellogg, McDonald, Morton, Patterson of New Hamp- shire, Pool, Eice, Eoss, Sawyer, Spencer, Van Win- kle, Vickers, Wade, Warner, Welch, Whyte, Willey, Williams, and Wilson 27. NAYS Messrs. Abbott, Cameron, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Coroett, Cragin, Davis, Drake, Frelinghuysen, Harlan, Harris^ Howe, McCreery, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Nye, Patterson of Tennessee, Eamsey, Eobertson, Sher- man, Sprague, Stewart, Sumner, Tipton, Trumbull, and Yates 29. ABSENT Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Edmunds, Henderson, Howard, Norton, Osborn, Pomeroy, Saulsbury, and Thayer 10. So the amendment was rejected. Mr. Sumner: "I move an amendment to strike out all after the enacting clause and in- sert the following : That the right to vote, to be voted for, and to hold office, shall not be denied or abridged anywhere in the United States under any pretence of race or color ; and all provisions in any State constitutions or in any laws, State, Territorial, or municipal, inconsist- ent herewith are hereby declared null and void. SEC. 2. That any person who, under any pretence of race or color, wilfully hinders or attempts to hin- der any citizen of the United States from being regis- tered, or from voting, or from being voted for, or from holding office, or who attempts by menaces to deter any such citizen from the exercise or enjoyment of the rights of citizenship above mentioned, shall be punished by a fine not less^than $100 nor more than $3,000, or by imprisonment in the common jail for not less than thirty days nor more than one year. SEC. 3. That every person legally engaged in pre- paring a register of voters, or in holding or conduct- ing an election, who wilfully refuses to register the name or to receive, count, return, or otherwise give the proper legal effect to the vote of any citizen under any pretence of race or color, shall be pun- ished by a fine not less than $500 nor more than $4,000, or by imprisonment in the common jail for not less than three calendar months nor more than two years. SEC. 4. And be it, further enacted, That the district courts of the United States shall have exclusive juris- diction of all offences against this act ; and the dis- trict attorneys, marshals, and deputy marshals, the commissioners appointed by the circuit and territorial courts of the United States, with powers of arresting, imprisoning, or bailing offenders, and every other officer specially empowered by the President of the United States, shall oe, and they are hereby, required, at the expense of the United States, to institute pro- ceedings against any person who violates this act, and cause him to be arrested and imprisoned or bailed, as 168 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. the case may be, for trial before such court as by this act has cognizance of the offence. SEC 5. And bett further enacted, That every citizen, unlawfully deprived of any of the rights ot citizen- ship secured by this act, under any pretence ot race or color, may maintain a suit against any person so depriving him, and recover damages in the district court of the United States for the district in which such person may be found. 1 ' The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted yeas 9, nays 47 ; as follows : YEAS Messrs. Edmunds, McDonald, Nye, Boss, Sumner, Thayer, Wade, Wilson, and Yates 9. NAYftHesBn. Abbott, Anthony, Bayard, Bucka- lew, Cameron, Chandler, Cole, Conkling. Conness, Corbett, Cragin, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Drake, Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler, Frelinghuysen, Grimes, Harlan Harris, Hendricks, Howe, McCreery, Mor- gan Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pool, Ramsey, Bice, Robertson, Saulsbury, Sawyer, Sherman, Spencer, Sprague, Stewart, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Vickers, Warner, White, Willey, and Williams 47. ABSENT Messrs. Cattell. Henderson, Howard, Kellogg, Norton, Osborn, Patterson of Tennessee, Pomeroy, Tipton, and Welch 10. So the amendment was rejected. The joint resolution was reported to the Sen- ate as amended. The President pro tempore : " The question is on concurring in the amendment made as in Committee of the Whole." The amendment made as in Committee of the Whole was concurred in. Mr. Morton : " I desire to renew the amend- ment I offered in regard to electing electors directly by the people, which was to insert as an additional article the following : ABTICLE XVI. The second clause, first section, second article of the Constitution of the United States shall be amended to read as follows : each State shall appoint, by a vote of the people thereof qualified to vote for Representatives in Congress, a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector ; and the Congress shall have power to prescribe the man-' ner in which such electors shall be chosen by the people." The result was announced as follows : YEAS Messrs. Buckalew, Cameron, Cattell, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Corbett, Dixon, Doolittle, Ferry, Fessenden, Fowler, Grimes, Harlan, Howe, Kellogg, McDonald, Morrill of Maine, Morton, Osborn, Pat- terson of New Hampshire, Pool, Ramsey, Rice, Rob- ertson, Ross, Sawyer, Spencer, Thayer, Vickers, Wade, Warner, Welch, Whyte, Willey, Williams, and Wilson 37. NAYS Messrs. Abbott, Chandler, Cragin, Davis, Drake, Edmunds, Frelinghuysen, Harris/Hendricks, McCreery, Morgan, Morml of Vermont, Patterson of Tennessee, Saulsbury, Sherman, Stewart, Trumbull, Van Winkle, and Yates 19. ABSENT Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Henderson, Howard, Norton, Nye, Pomeroy, Sprague, Sumner, and Tipton 10. So the amendment was agreed to. Mr. Morton : " There is another amendment connected with this, providing for its separate submission, which should be adopted along with the amendment, so that there will be no controversy about that." Mr. "Wilson : " I suggest to the Senator from Indiana that he is periling the whole measure by this proposition." Mr. Morton : "I move to amend the pre- liminary part of the- resolution so as to make it read : Be it resolved, etc. (two-thirds of both Houses con- curring), That the following articles be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, either of which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legis- latures, shall be held as part of said Constitution." The resolution was read the third time. Mr. Wilson: "I move the reconsideration of the vote ordering the joint resolution to a third reading." The motion to reconsider was agreed to. Mr. Wilson : " Now, I move to reconsider the vote by which the amendment was adopt- ed." Mr. Anthony: "I move to recommit the whole subject to the Committee on the Judici- ary." The motion to recommit was not agreed to. The amendments were ordered to be en- grossed, and the joint resolution to be read a third time. The resolution was read the third time. The President pro tempore : "On the pas- sage of this resolution the yeas and nays must be taken to ascertain whether the constitu- tional two-thirds required is obtained. The Clerk will therefore call the roll." The question being taken by yeas and nays, resulted yeas 39, nays 16 ; as follows : YEAS Messrs. Abbott, Cameron, Cattell, Chan- dler, Cole, Conkling, Conness, Cragin, Drake, Ferry, Harlan, Harris, Howe, Kellogg, McDonald, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Osborn, Pool, Ramsey, Rice, Robertson, Ross, Saw- yer, Sherman, Spencer, Stewart, Thayer, Van Winkle, Wade, Warner, Welch, Willey, Williams, Wilson, and Yates 39. NATS Messrs. Anthony, Bayard, Corbett, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Edmunds, Fowler, Grimes, Hen- dricks, McCreery, Patterson of Tennessee, Saulsbury, Sprague, Vickers, and Whyte 16. ABSENT Messrs. Buckalew, Fessenden, Freling- huysen, Henderson, Howard, Norton, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Sumner, Tipton, and Trumbull 11. The President pro tempore : " Two-thirds having voted in the affirmative, the joint reso- lution is passed." In the House, on February 15th, Mr. Bout- well, of Massachusetts, moved to take up the amendments of the Senate to the House joint resolution, which was agreed to, and the amendments of the Senate read as follows : Line two add the letter " s " to the word' " article." Line three strike out the word " an" and add " s" to " amendment." Line four, after " State," insert " either of." After line six insert "first amendment." Strike out the first section and insert in lieu thereof: No discrimination shall be made in any State among the citizens of the United States in the exer- cise of the elective franchise or in the right to hold office in any State, on account of race, color, nativity, property, education, or creed. CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 169 At the end of the resolution insert the following : Second amendment : ARTICLE . The second clause, first section, second article of the Constitution of the United States shall be amended to read as follows : Each State shall appoint, by a vote of the people thereof qualified to vote for Eepresentatives in Con- gress, a number of electors equal to the whole num- ber of Senators and Eepresentatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no Sen- ator or Representative or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States shall be ap- pointed an elector; and the Congress shall have power to prescribe the manner in which such electors shall be chosen by the people. Amend the title of the resolution by striking out "an" and adding u s" to " amendment." Mr. Boutwell said : Here is a proposition in regard to electors which has not been con- sidered in this House. The proposition con- cerning suffrage has been materially changed. I have considered whether it is practicable to concur in the amendments of the Senate with an amendment, but I have come to the con- clusion that that, as a matter of business, is impracticable. I see no way in the present condition of things except to non-concur in the action of the Senate, and to ask for a commit- tee of conference, and I make that motion." Mr. Bingham, of Ohio, moved that the House concur, which motion had the pre- cedence. The question was taken, and decided in the negative, as follows : YEAS Messrs. Axtell, Baker, Beatty, Bingham, Buekland, Sidney Clarke, Coburn, Cullom, Deweese, Dickey, Dockery, Donnelly, Eggleston, Haughey, Heaton, Asahel W. Hubbard, Ingersoll, Kitchen, George V. Lawrence, William Lawrence, Nunn, Orth, Pile, Plants, Poland, Scofield, Shanks, Spalding, Stover, Thomas, John Trimble, Robert T. Van Horn, Ward, Welker* James F. Wilson, John T. Wilson, and Stephen F. Wilson 37. NATS Messrs. Anderson, Delos R. Ashley, James M. Ashley, Banks, Barnum, Beaman, Beck, Benja- min, Benton, Blaine, Blair, Boutwell, Bowen, Boy- den, Boyer, Bromwell, Brooks, Buckley, Burr, Ben- jamin F. Butler. Roderick R. Butler, Callis, Gary, Chanler, Churchill, Reader W. Clarke, Clift, Cobb, Corley, Cornell, Covode, Dawes, Driggs, Edwards, Eldridge, Thomas D. Eliot, James T. Elliott, Farns- worth, Ferriss, Ferry, Fields, Fox : Glossbrenner, Gpve, Gravely, Grover, Haight, Hamilton, Hawkins, Higby, Holman, Hopkins, Hotchkiss, Chester D. Hubbard, Hulburd, Humphrey. Hunter, Jenckes, Johnson, Alexander H. Jones,Tnomas L. Jones, Ju- lian Kelley, Kellogg, Kelsey, Kerr, Ketcham, Knott, Koontz, Laflin, Lash, Loan, Loughridge, Lynch, Mallory, Marshall, Marvin, McCarthy, McCormick, McKee, Miller, Moore, Moorhead, Morrell, Mungen, Myers, Newcpmb, Newsham, Niblack, Nicholson, Norris, O'Neill, Plaine, Perham, Peters, Phelps, Pierce, Polsley, Pomeroy, Price, Prince, Pruyn, Randall, Raum, Robertson, Robinson, Roots, Ross, Sawyer, Shellabarger, Sitgreaves, Smith, Stark- weather, Stewart, Stokes, Stone, Taber, Taffe, Trow- bridge, Twichell, Upson, Burt Van Horn, Van Trump, Van Wyck, Cadwalader C. Washburn, Henry D. Washburn, William B. Washburn, Whit- temore, William Williams, Windom, Wood, Wood- ward, and Younof 133. NOT VOTING -Messrs. Adams, Allison, Ames, Ar- cher, Arnell, Bailey, Baldwin, Barnes, Blackburn, Boles, Broomall, Cake, Cook, Delano, Dixon, Dodge, Eckley, Ela, French, Garfield, Gets, Golladay, Goss, Griswold, Halsey, Harding, Hill, Hooper, Richard D. Hubbard, Judd, Lincoln, Logan, Maynard, McCul- lough, Mercur, Morrissey, Mullins, Pettis. Pike, Schenck, Selye, Stevens, Sypher, Taylor, Tift, Law- rence S. Trimble, Van Aernam, Van Auken, Vidal, Elihu B. Washburne, Thomas Williams, and Wood- bridge 52. In the Senate, on February 17th, Mr. Stewart, of Nevada, moved to take up the message of the House, asking for a committee of confer- ence on the constitutional amendment. The motion was agreed to, and Mr. Stewart further moved that the Senate insist on its amend- ments and agree to the conference. Subse- quently Mr. Stewart withdrew this motion, and moved that the Senate recede from its amendment and concur in the House proposi- tion. On a division of the question, the mo- tion to recede was adopted as follows : YEAS Messrs. Anthony, Cameron, Cattell, Chan- dler, Cole, Conkling, Corbett, Cragin, Drake, Ed- munds, Ferry, Fessenden, Frelinghuysen, Harris, Howard, Kellogg, McDonald, Morgan, Morrill of Maine, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Patterson of New Hampshire, Pomeroy, Robertson, Stewart, Thayer, Trumbull, Van Winkle, Welch, Willey, Williams, and Yates 33. NAYS Messrs. Abbott, Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Fowler, Harlan, Hendricks, Mc- Creery, Norton, Osborn, Patterson of Tennessee, Pool, Rice, Ross, Saulsbury, Sherman, Spencer, Vickers, Wade, Warner, Whyte, and Wilson 24. ABSENT Messrs. Conness, Grimes, Henderson, Howe, Ramsey, Sawyer, Sprague, Sumner, and Tip- ton 9. The question was then taken on concurring in the resolution of the House, and rejected by the following vote: YEAS Messrs. Anthony ? Cameron, Cattell, Chan- dler, Cole, Conkling, Cragin, Drake, Ferry, Fessen- den, Frelinghuy'sen, Harlan, Harris, Howard, Kel- logg, Morgan, Morrill of Vermont, Morton, Nye, Patterson of New' Hampshire, Pool, Ramsey, Rice, Robertson, Sherman, Stewart, Trumbull, Van Win- kle, Wade, Williams, and Yates 31. NAYS Messrs. Abbott, Bayard, Buckalew, Davis, Dixon, Doolittle, Edmunds, Fowler, Grimes, Hen- dricks, McCreery, McDonald, Norton, Osborn, Pat- terson of Tennessee, Pomeroy, Ross, Saulsbury, Sawyer, Spencer, Sumner, Thayer, Vickers, Warner, Welch, Whyte, and Wilson 27. This closed the proceedings on the proposi- tion of the House. The motion was then made that the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resume the con- sideration of a joint resolution reported Janu- ary 15th, and amended January 28th, propos- ing an amendment to the Constitution, which was agreed to. The Chief Clerk : " The resolution when last up was amended to read as follows : Resolved by tTie Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of both Houses concurring), That the following article be proposed to the Legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitu- tien of the United States^, which, when ratified by three-fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid as part of the Constitution, namely : ABTICLE XV. The right of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State on ac- count of race, color, or previous condition of servi- tude. 170 CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. Mr Stewart: "I move to insert the word son? phelps, Pruyn, Randall, Robinson, Eoss, Stone, ' bv ' before the words any State ; ' so as to Taber, Van Trump, Woodward, and Young-37. reid, 'shall not be denied oj abridged by the ^S^SSSSS^^^SSSi United States or by any State.' Calli c ' orne n ? Delano, Deweese, Dixon, Edwards, The amendment was agreed to. Glossbrenner, Harding, Asahel W. Hubbard, Rich- The ioint resolution was then reported to a rd D. Hubbard, Ingersoll. Thomas L. Jones, Kerr, the Senate as amended in Committee of the Lincoln, Loan Mallory, McCarthy, Morrissey Mul- , Tt was thpn adopted lins , Newcomb, Newsham, Norris, Nunn, Pierce, Whole, and agreed to. It was tnen adopted > p<)lgl Robertson, Sitgreaves, Raiding by the following vote : Stewart, Lawrence S. Trimble, Van Auken, Van YEAS Messrs. Abbott, Chandler, Cole, Conkling, Wyck, Tidal, Elihu B. Washburne, Henry D. Wash- Cragin, Drake, Edmunds, Ferry, Frelinghuysen, burn, and Wood 46. HaVlan Harris, Kellogg, McDonald Morgan, , Mor- j th Senate on February 23d, the amend- Effir8S3&fi^& .* of the Hjuse was disagreed to. Messrs. son Ross, Sawyer. Spencer, Stewart, Thayer, Van Stewart, Conkling, and Edmunds, were ap- Winkle. Wade, Warner, Welch, Willey, WUliams, pointed a committee of conference on the